Here's a beautiful explanation of Hanukkah that I've carried with me since my youth, one that continues to bring me joy.

The essence of this explanation, by the way, is eternal and becoming more relevant with each passing moment.

When we were teenagers in yeshiva, our rabbi posed a question: The commandment of lighting Hanukkah candles is structured in halacha with a gradual hierarchy.

The basic mitzvah is to light one candle—or menorah—for the entire household. However, those who want to beautify the mitzvah (the mehadrin) light one candle for each individual in the household.

This, the rabbi pointed out, is a bit perplexing. After all, the essence of this mitzvah is pirsumei nisa—publicizing the miracle in a loud and visible way. A ceremony in which one person recites the blessing on behalf of everyone is more communal and collective in nature.

So why does the beautification of the mitzvah emphasize individual lighting?

The answer he gave was so sweet and insightful that I've remembered it for nearly 40 years, and I thank him for it every Hanukkah.

His name had a "Hanukkah" feel to it—Rabbi Avraham Shemani—and here's what he said: Hanukkah is celebrated primarily in memory of the miracle of the oil flask.

When the Maccabees were victorious and entered the Temple, they couldn't find any pure oil that hadn't been defiled by the enemy to light the menorah as part of the Temple service. They found only one small flask, enough for just one day. A miracle occurred, and it burned for eight days.

The rabbi asked: Why was this miracle even necessary? Halacha permits the use of impure oil in such circumstances. When impurity is widespread, the laws of purity are set aside. So why the miracle? They could have used the impure oil!

The rabbi explained: They didn't want to rely on the collective power of the community. They didn't want to fulfill the mitzvah merely because the collective—a large entity—can override individual prohibitions. They wanted the mitzvah to emanate from each individual's inner sanctity.

This is why we beautify the mitzvah by lighting individually. It's a statement that even within the grandeur of a national and communal experience, we strive not only to bask under the wings of the collective but also to remember our individuality as Jews.

Admit it—it's a beautiful idea. And it's even more poignant in Hanukkah 5785 (2024), a time that has elevated the experience of collective identity to unprecedented heights, both inspiring and challenging.

Our shared destiny is soaring to new heights, igniting the fire of togetherness and mutual responsibility within us. It's overwhelming and deeply moving. Every day, our sense of brotherhood and camaraderie grows stronger.

This is the uplifting, heartwarming side of things. Yet, in specific forms of collective unity, we also see the full force of an unhealthy social dichotomy.

More than ever, people are part of something larger. They think independently and make individual decisions, yet their actions are overwhelmingly shaped by the dynamics of collectives within a larger collective.

Being part of a community, group, or collective is often delightful, even necessary and sacred. But we don't always need to take it to extremes or lose ourselves in it completely.

Let the sacred lights of Hanukkah remind us that beyond the collective flames—of one's household, family, tribe, camp, or nation—there is also room for each and every individual.

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Among the dense discourse coming from the US and washing over the world, one phrase stands out as particularly grating these days: "Leader of the Free World." Questions like, who will be the leader of the free world, will President Biden run again for President of the US and leader of the free world - things like that.

Really? Is the choice between a man whose consciousness is somewhat obscured and a rascal who will defeat whoever is placed against him a choice for the "leader of the free world"? No. It is a choice between two individuals who, due to the pressures of the times and complex combinations of political and social constellations, will head the American administration. Nothing more.

Can either of them personally influence the fate of millions worldwide? Absolutely. The President holds immense power. Does that make him the "leader of the free world"? Absolutely not. Not even the leader of the US, and not even the leader of his specific party. If that were the case, it should truly worry millions around the world.

So enough already with the "leadership." No one elected to their positions is a "leader." No one follows them, and the ship will continue to move even without them—these days prove it.

These are days of democratic soul-searching. Not just for the American Democratic Party, which is in a terrible slump, but for this institution as a whole, everywhere. The impossible situation that American politics has reached, sacrificing all its values, beliefs, fears, and essentially its life on the altar of political positions, should serve as a platform for democratic reflection, examining the basic definitions of the system: Can the world observe indifferently the political battle raging in the US?

It is worth remembering: In this battle, a man stands at the head of the administration, with many signs indicating that his consciousness is clouded, and who, due to a political power structure, is protected by his party. In this battle, a man who in no normal constellation would or should have been able to reach the White House is poised to return there—but due to the need to defend against the political opponent's aggression, millions choose to push him back there. There is no debate at all about any candidate's ability to fulfill their role—only about their ability to get elected.

For several years now, this has been the situation. We always knew it was the case—then this summer stretched it to its limit. Billions around the world watch the system's failures, which, though there is no better one, secretly, in hushed tones, long for a good old-fashioned dictatorship.

The crisis of 2024 should be a point that redefines fundamental principles. Not practically, but conceptually. It is necessary to redefine the power of the elected, invest enormous efforts within the democratic framework for the intelligent dispersion of this power, and at the same time - not harm the absolute freedom of choice. This can be done, and it doesn't even require too much political drama.

Let's start with the understanding that leaders are not leaders. At best, they are managers, and at worst, drivers. The less pathos, the smaller the risk.

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Today marks exactly 30 years since the passing of the Lubavitcher Rebbe, may the memory of the righteous be a blessing. Decades of leadership came to an end, ushering in countless years of remembrance, commemoration, and the deepening of his rich legacy.

It's challenging to describe who the Lubavitcher Rebbe was. A wondrous figure with his head in the heavens and feet firmly planted on the ground. A genius and a righteous man, an unparalleled prolific writer, an original and remarkable innovator in Torah and Jewish thought, a loving father to his students and followers, and a uniquely pioneering leader in his pan-Jewish worldview.

The wider public has been exposed to his appearance, his character, his messages, his achievements, and his emissaries. However, the best lesson one can learn from the Lubavitcher Rebbe is through his own persona and behavior, which precisely embodied the model he demanded from his students and every Jew: tireless and energetic activism. In Chabad Hassidism, this is known as "action is the main thing." Behind these words lies a powerful engine of relentless demand for activity, initiative, and deeds.

If there's one thing a Chabadnik doesn't know how to do, it's sit quietly and do nothing. Or even rest. Give him a free hour in the park, and he'll come with children, a ball, and a snack, but also with a pair of tefillin to merit someone with a mitzvah. This trait is a direct education and legacy of the Lubavitcher Rebbe. This is exactly how he was throughout his 45-year tenure as Rebbe, without a single vacation, without a break in his personal and public work of 18 hours a day.

Hassidim tell a story of the Rebbe returning home after a long workday to find a pair of garden armchairs on the porch, purchased by the Rebbetzin. He sat on one of them, removed his hat for a moment, leaned back, and then stood up, went inside, and said, "There, I've fulfilled my obligation of an annual vacation." This endless diligence was a central message in his philosophy and a constant demand that repeated itself over and over again. Even if he didn't say it explicitly, the atmosphere was such. A demand and motivation for constant action.

Perhaps the physical movement most identified with the Rebbe is the circular hand wave to encourage the Hassidim's singing. It also contains a hidden message for a general life instruction: a gesture of encouragement for activism. For action.

Every Chabadnik, or quarter-Chabadnik like myself, is exposed throughout their life, thanks to Chabad's positive obsession with memorialization, to the Rebbe's voice and appearance in pictures, audio, and video. I personally hear and see him in online videos almost every day. If it's not me, it's someone in my household, and if not them, then a colleague at work.

The wider public has been exposed to his appearance, his character, his messages, his achievements, and his emissaries. However, the best lesson one can learn from the Lubavitcher Rebbe is through his own persona and behavior, which precisely embodied the model he demanded from his students and every Jew: tireless and energetic activism.

Somehow, there's hardly a day when the Rebbe's familiar and warm voice doesn't resonate in the air, even for a moment. And I've noticed that regardless of my mood or energy level at that moment – when that voice is heard, something in my posture straightens, and I become, for a second, active. As if I've received a mission. As if a voice is calling me to go. The Lubavitcher Rebbe said and wrote so many things.

There are so many clauses in his spiritual will spread across his work, but it seems that the main and most important content he left behind, and also the most implemented, is this: Action is the main thing.

May his merit protect us and all of Israel.

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From the moment the protests against the new government's proposed judicial overhaul began, the following stood out to me clearly: the inability of the camp to address the opposing claims with facts, which is something that is also deeply rooted among senior jurists, and the painful claim of the politicization of the judicial system.

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In earnest, I do not expect much from them. Politicians are politicians, and the jurists who are leading this struggle are also politicians and their militant opinions hold no weight for me. I also tend to forgive the masses that follow them, for their fears and emotions are real, and they are struggling to accept the fact that their country is changing, both in small and major ways.

Petitions from economists, musicians, and media personalities do not affect me either. If anything, they reflect the distinct political outlook of these castes and how fun it is that the situation is beginning to change.

But every once in a while, I get into a fit of contempt, behind which hides tremendous disappointments. Take for example the recent interview of Nobel laureate Professor Avraham Hershko, who has become the darling of the media due to his strong opposition to the reforms.

When asked why he attended protests against the move, Hershko, who could not have given a more cliche answer, claimed that the new government was looking to turn Israel into a dictatorship.

"The whole idea is to demolish the Supreme Court, so there's nothing left. Basically, they want to destroy what exists first and then create a new Supreme Court that will be appointed by the current government, and then reach the situation that exists in Hungary, Israel will turn into Hungary. This is terrible, in my opinion, and in those of many others, as I am not alone in my stance."

I must say that the main emotion I felt upon hearing this was terrible sadness. Only then came disappointment and anger. Really, Professor Hershko? You're afraid that Israel will turn into a dictatorship? That the government is looking to destroy the Supreme Court? That Israel was turning into Hungary?

Is this the best you can do? Couldn't you contribute differently to the debate? Aren't you aware that there is a substantive, real, important debate between the proponents of different approaches in the legal system? Don't you know that there is a rift and a great lack of trust between millions of Israelis and the judiciary?

One would have expected more from one of the most important scientists in Israel.

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The days leading up to the election list deadline were full of mergers with the aim of creating unions that might produce political brilliance, something that was not achieved in the end.

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Yoaz Hendel and Zvi Hauser did not appear on any list, and although Ayelet Shaked did, polls predict she will not make it into the Knesset.

There was no brilliance to be found, except perhaps Hadar Muchtar, who is salvaging the ruins of her election campaign in an apartment in Haifa. One wonders whether she will be able to survive the crisis.

Political survival warrants great effort. When a politician tries to survive within an existing party, it is still possible, similar to jumping on an already-moving train. But when the candidate has to invent an entire separate framework to survive, it is just ridiculous.

As sad as it is that there are all these minor parties, it is actually a testament to the Israeli voter, who wants to vote for something existing and essential rather than for efforts to stay in the game.

Hendel and Hauzer did the right thing and Shaked should follow in their footsteps. Because of her low chances, because of dignity, because of a waste of votes, but also because she should atone for what she and then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett did last year.

She understands and has even confirmed publicly that they made a mistake, but as long as she stays in the race and continues to try to take votes away from the right-wing camp, the confession is mere lip service.

Yamina members should determine the verdict for establishing a failing government. But most of them don't understand at all what this is about and continue to lie and rearrange. Shaked, the most decent of all, has at least admitted her mistake half-heartedly, but in order for us to truly believe her, she needs to stop undermining the right-wing bloc in her failed attempt to run in the elections. She is young enough to afford herself to take a hiatus from politics and still return, if she so wishes.

Such a courageous move will also set a precedent against the political disease of being attached to one's career, as if being a minor Knesset member is more important than running a bank or a school or a community center.

I am in no way trying to underestimate the critical influence a lawmaker can have, but there is life outside the walls of the Knesset, and when politicians realize that their career path has come to an end and make the mature decision to step down, they protect responsibility, which does well not only to them but to the entire politician system.

Until the establishment of the government of change, I looked up to Ayelet Shaked, and I still wish her great success in whatever non-political pursuit she chooses.

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Many Israelis are concerned over the US president's impending visit. His itinerary is already published, the subjects on the table are known, and people are indeed worried: over the Palestinian consulate, construction in Jerusalem, the Temple Mount, and Sheikh Jarrah. A dark cloud will hang over the visit, which the Palestinians' desire to extract a win from this visit and the administration's aspiration to provide one.

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We can only hope the visit comes and goes in peace, and that Prime Minister Yair Lapid can charm his sleepy guest and mitigate any potential damage. Either way, the main sentiment regarding the visit is one of immense frustration over the administration in Washington, mainly from the chorus of foolish Israelis who cheered it on while ignoring the magnitude of the wasted historic opportunity we had when Trump was in power.

Netanyahu's main achievement in terms of the Trump administration shouldn't actually be judged according to the bottom line, although this would be quite sufficient (and in my opinion not enough). The main success is in the spirit of the matter. However we look at the Biden administration's positions regarding Israel, the impression is one of identification with a Palestinian narrative that seeks to persuade the world that Israel's very existence is a "problem." There are those who support this "problem" and others who have their reservations, but this has been our story since 1948: We're a "problem." An established problem, a successful problem, a problem the Americans share many interests with, but a "problem" nonetheless.

Light years apart, meanwhile, the Trump administration's collaboration with the Netanyahu government evinced a fundamentally different perception of Israel. It approached Israel naturally, as an indisputable fact, not just because of aligned interests but because of complete identification with the Zionist narrative predicated on the natural and historic right of the Jewish people – and the Palestinian opposition to this as a "problem." Israel is stable and upright, it has problems and those need to be addressed. These are not two versions of the same story. They are two different stories altogether.

Perhaps this situation was caused by Trump's abrasive and problematic personality. But who the hell cares? Beggars can't be choosers. Does Israel have the luxury of picking and choosing the source of its salvation? Every Israeli understands this. Then why the cheers and joy over the Democratic victory and open disgust over anything connected to Trump? Because of the game of pretenses, which first and foremost consists of needing to appear universal and approach every dispute in the US as if it is happening here; and second, because of the need to be considered enlightened. This is the powerful engine driving many Israelis and is behind their emotional reaction to the abortion issue there as if it is any of their business. No, friends, it's not your business. And yes, Trump was a gift. And Biden is the punishment for the sin we committed in denial and falsehood.

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The Torah sage Rabbi Chaim Kanievsky appears to have been the person least expected to head the large ultra-Orthodox Lithuanian sect. He was a tremendous prodigy of unparalleled Torah knowledge, an extremely original and prolific writer, and a rare figure in every sense.

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Long before he became the preeminent authority on Jewish Law, his genius astounded all who were exposed to it. In my childhood and teenage years, the kids played this game where they'd send the rabbi a particularly challenging question, and he would respond to every inquiry, large and small alike, in a letter of his own. The answers were almost always short and concise, sometimes consisting of just one word, "yes," or "depends on the disagreement," but they were always wise and belayed an endless fountain of knowledge.

The most popular story about him was that he was once asked how many times the name Moses was mentioned in the Torah. The rabbi made a quick calculation and gave a number, and before even waiting for confirmation, told the person: "You probably came to a different answer on your calculator, because the calculator also took into account the verses in which the pattern of letters "משה" (the Hebrew letters Mem, Shin, Hay, that spell Moshe, in Hebrew) appears but has a different meaning."

His perseverance was immense. He simply studied Torah with endless concentration and continuity, from his childhood to the day he died two days ago. Contrary to previous leaders, he hadn't held any position of leadership beforehand and hadn't served in any official capacity. All his days were essentially spent studying and making a modest living from the kollel (institute for full-time, advanced study of the Talmud and rabbinic literature) scholarship.

The aura of righteousness that stuck to him in his later years also caused him palpable discomfort. Truly, his world consisted only of the study of Torah and Jewish Law. He was even unfamiliar with money, and tales of his complete disconnect from everyday experiences accompanied him his entire life.

It was because of this, perhaps, that his unnatural and unexpected leadership was ultimately accepted. Thousands of his followers felt he was guided by true devotion to Torah, and chose to follow that voice. In his life he was venerated to no end, hence the loss his students feel on this day is boundless. A giant sage has fallen in Israel.

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These are days of purification and disinfection. Every minute, we learn more about the monstrous extent of the terrible breach of morals among police ranks. One cannot tell how the scandal will develop or how it will end, but as the sunlight reveals damages to our individual liberties, interesting things are transpiring in the far more sacred and principled arena of legislation. A new bill introduced by members of the New Hope party seeks to allow the courts to require internet providers to reveal the identity of people found to be defaming others online.

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What does this mean? "Defamation" is a very broad term. The innovation here is that even if it was done anonymously, the legislation stipulates the defamer's identity be revealed.

On its face, the legislation sounds reasonable enough. After all, shaming is just another word for any monstrous conduct, and as we have come to understand, the internet is now our public domain. What, then, is the problem with the legislation?

The first problem is that it constitutes a blow to the sacred issue of freedom of expression. When a society decides to make freedom of expression a fundamental principle, it takes into account that this freedom will also include some less than positive expressions of that freedom. This freedom was chosen as a founding principle in democratic life because its essence as an existential condition for democratic life takes precedence over its inherent risks. The use, therefore, of government regulation or, heaven forbid, legislation to harm or even alter this freedom in any way must be done sparingly, if at all.

The second problem is the context in which the legislation has been introduced and the identity of those behind it. This bill is being introduced at the height of an ongoing political dispute that negatively impacts many politicians and is largely transpiring online. Within this context, it is very easy to interpret this legislative initiative as an effort to silence others. In fact, there is no other way to interpret it.

Of most concern, however, is that this school of thought, to which some in the New Hope party adhere, has signed on to a series of similar bills. The current bill is an upgraded version of the contemptible "Facebook law" that tried to establish government control over content published online. Unlike the previous law, which relates to damage or threats to the public, here the government is afforded control over "slander" – a very broad and therefore more dangerous term.

New Hope is a party at the center of a bitter dispute with political rivals. If we add to these legislative efforts previous legislative efforts to limit term limits and turpitude, we see a political gang focused on political legislation that is, to the dismay of many, increasingly being interpreted as a serious and dangerous blow to democracy.

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Lawmaker Yulia Malinowsky did a wonderful thing when she posted a video on TikTok celebrating the expected approval of the kashrut reform and congratulating Religious Affairs Minister Matan Kahana, who spearheaded the bill.

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In it, she jokingly wrote off several rabbinical certificates and praised a made-up "kashrut supervision by Malinowsky" license. Understandably, Kahana was not thrilled about the video, but what Malinowsky did was show the true essence of the reform.

In terms of kashrut supervision in Israel, the bill neither contributes nor detracts from the existing situation. After all, even according to the new outline, it's not that just anyone will be able to issue certificates. If that happened, the ultra-Orthodox community would switch to buying products certified by the higher rabbinical court (Badatz) alone, giving it a complete monopoly. And the Chief Rabbinate, by the way, is not completely out of the picture either. It will continue to be a powerful regulatory supervisor.

True, the kashrut reform boosts the Tzohar rabbinical organization, but they do not need support. Everyone knows that Tzohar is reliable, and whoever wants to already buys the products they certify. Whoever doesn't rely on this institution won't change their mind, no matter how many reforms get approved.

We must ask ourselves, then, what made Malinowsky so happy since clearly, she does not understand the reform? And the answer to this lies in the very opposition to the bill: the clear sense that such changes are welcome by lawmakers because they are an expression of the hatred toward the rabbinate and other rabbinical establishments.

In recent weeks, the rabbinate has been portrayed as a disorganized and inefficient institution that is overly stringent and expensive. The reform, in turn, was lauded as the move that would fix the system, which is clearly untrue.

The rabbinate suffers from a bureaucratic load just as any other Israeli institution, but it is efficient and professional. It is cheaper for business owners to work with them than with private corporations, and is much more convenient. Ask any kosher business owner and they will tell you the same.

But most Israelis will buy into any accusation against the rabbinate. Their dislike of the rabbinical institutions has nothing to do with the quality of service they provide. It is the direct result of the prejudice and opposition to the very existence of the rabbinate, and no reform can remedy that.

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As expected, Israeli gymnast Artem Dolgopyat winning a gold medal at the Tokyo Olympics has reignited one of the nation's most controversial debates: Who is a Jew?

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Dolgopyat's mother lamented to the media that the country's authorities would not allow him to wed in Israel because he is not considered Jewish according to Orthodox Judaism.

In short, he is facing a bureaucratic problem: Under Israeli law, one can only marry through religious institutions.

As Tourism Minister Yoel Razvozov put it: "It makes no sense that the rabbinate of the country that Artem Dolgopyat represented would deny him a civil right as basic as getting married in Israel."

So let us clarify things: Artem Dolgopyat, despite his victory, is not a Jew under Halachah (Jewish law). He is, of course, Israeli in every sense of the word, only he is not a Jew. 

It happens. This is not necessarily insulting because nothing could change this unless he undergoes conversion, but even then he would not be able to marry his girlfriend because she is not Jewish.

How can this situation be remedied? First of all, lawmakers need to legalize civil marriages in Israel so that people won't have to marry under the auspices of religious authorities. But for Razvozov and many others who protest the "unfair" situation, this would not be enough. They are adamant about him being recognized as Jewish. Otherwise, why would the Chief Rabbinate be dragged into the debate?

Another solution would be for the government to remove the ethnicity indicators from Israeli IDs and registries, or let anyone who wishes to register as Jewish to do so. In that case, however, even if the majority of the Knesset approved the law, the ultra-Orthodox and traditional Jews would not accept it. They would continue to view non-Jews as, well, not Jewish, including Dolgopyat.

There is also the possibility of reforming the conversion process, but even that would require the consent of ultra-Orthodox institutions. Why? Because without them on board, Razvozov would not achieve his goal: forcing ultra-Orthodox leaders to recognize the gymnast as a Jew. As long as that doesn't happen, Razvozov will continue to "demand justice" for the Olympic athlete.

Therefore, the entire Jewish identity debate is strange and unnecessary. The ultra-Orthodox establishment can in no way see a non-Jew as a Jew unless the person converts through a process it sees fit.

And since the minister insists on forcing the religious authorities to change their view, it makes the debate even more ridiculous. We would be better off focusing on what is important and practical by introducing civil marriage in Israel.

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