A president's State of the Union address is always a festive event, but this year the speech was different. Along with the need to disabuse people of the growing claims that he was too old to serve another term as president, Joe Biden had to contend with the explosive issue of Gaza. 

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Even before the speech, pro-Palestinian protesters, who called him "Genocide Joe," blocked his way to the Capitol building and caused him to be late. Inside, the Palestinian-American lawmaker Rashida Tlaib came to the evening wrapped in a kaffiyeh, while above her, in the visitors' gallery, sat the released captive Mia Schem, along with the families of Israelis still being held by Hamas.

The speech came after weeks in which the president and his senior staff had repeatedly accused Israel of indiscriminately bombing Gaza, treating its civilian population inhumanely, and causing the death of "too many Palestinians." 

Such accusations are blatantly unfounded and support those who accuse Israel of war crimes. They also helped convince Yahya Sinwar that he just needs to hold out because ultimately the president will demand a ceasefire.

The president did not retract any of these accusations, but rather doubled down on them and referred to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza as "gut-wrenching."Israel also has a fundamental responsibility to protect innocent civilians in Gaza," he declared, earning the evening's loudest applause. 

He warned Israel not to use aid to Palestinian civilians as bargaining chips and said 30,000 have died – the figure quoted by Hamas. Therefore, Biden stressed, the administration was working relentlessly to achieve a ceasefire and ensure the release of the captives.

What are the key takeaways for Israel?

The US military will also build a "floating pier" to bring food and aid to Gaza by sea, but without deploying American troops on the ground. The question of how these shipments will reach the residents was left unanswered. 

On the other hand, on the pro-Israel side, the president reiterated Hamas' crimes and Israel's right to defend itself. While Biden's criticism of Israel satisfied the progressives in his party and Arab and Muslim Americans, it seems his statements supporting Israel helped assuage an equal number of Israel supporters.

What can be inferred from Biden's speech? Despite the administration's efforts to provide ammunition to the IDF and prevent the UN from imposing a ceasefire on Israel – gestures that have been politically costly to Biden – the administration's patience with Israel is wearing thin. The administration in Washington is not one person, it's thousands who could lose their livelihoods due to the president's support for Israel. It is quite possible that in the fighting in Rafah, the President will decide to significantly reduce military aid to Israel and even demand a ceasefire himself.

Therefore, Israel must continue to work to debunk the administration's false claims and continue to explain to the world that the meaning of a ceasefire is a victory for terror and a death blow to Israel. Most importantly – the IDF must continue fighting until Hamas' total defeat, even – if necessary – with stones and sticks.

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Whenever America tells us "Don't go to war" and we reply "Yes, but" – in 1948, in 1956, in 1967, in 1981 (destruction of the Iraqi reactor) – we earn respect from Washington. When we answer with, "Yes, alright" – as was the case in 1973, in 1991 (the first Gulf War) – we are looked at with contempt from the White House. Today, as Americans keep telling us "Don't go to war against Hezbollah and open a northern front", it is imperative that we look back at past such interactions. 

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It's easy to see where President Joe Biden is coming from: Having put his political career on the line and angered some on the Left because of his support for Israel and opposition to a ceasefire in Gaza, he does not want to be dragged into another Middle Eastern war. This reluctance reflects not only the isolationist mindset in both the Democratic and Republican parties but also his concerns about getting into military entanglements overseas on the eve of the 2024 presidential election

In addition, the president is committed to the reconciliation between the United States and Iran, a policy championed since being devised by the Obama administration in 2009; he doesn't want more turbulence in the region.

Video: CNN anchor John Vause reading a letter from Noa Argamani's mother / Credit: CNN (Screenshot)

Just over the weekend, after an Iranian missile was fired on an oil tanker in the Indian Ocean, the administration saw fit to point an accusing finger at Iran. Before that, the pro-Iranian forces in Syria and Iran had fired on American bases in the Middle East over 100 times and acted to close international shipping in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait without the administration uttering a word against Iran. 

It is clear that an Israeli military move against Hezbollah could entangle the American naval forces in the area. These forces are there, among other things, to help us intercept Hezbollah's missile fire. But if one missile or drone hits an American destroyer, the United States could find itself involved in a war. In fact, those same forces serve as a deterrent against Hezbollah and Iran but also deter us, by giving the United States an effective veto over the scope of Israeli military activity

Therefore, the administration wants to see things resolved diplomatically by promoting the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1701 from 2006, which Hezbollah has repeatedly violated while removing terrorists to a line beyond the Litani River. This move – even if successful – will not significantly change our security situation, because the moment we are part of this process, we will have to give up the military option

Israel faces an intolerable situation in the north and a threat that no sovereign state in the world would tolerate. Among Israeli decision-makers, there is hope that our victory over Hamas will deter Hezbollah, but that victory will likely take time. In the meantime, there is a danger that Hezbollah will wait until the IDF tires and American support for Israel wanes, and then it will open fire. 

Perhaps, like in 1973, if we let Hezbollah strike first we would get more American support, but we would pay a high price for it

Two months ago I asked in this column: "If not now, when?" Today I repeat this question: Are we willing to tell our allies "Yes, but", thereby earning not only our security but also their respect?

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In the early days of the war, an opening shot was fired by the international community: The historic speech by President Joe Biden. The powerful speech expressed unconditional support for Israel but also included a sentence that has been somewhat forgotten and is now making a comeback in our lives. That sentence referred to the American expectation that Israel should uphold humanitarian principles consistent with international law in its fight against Hamas.

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Days after the speech Secretary of State Antony Blinken came to Israel and elaborated the half-sentence into a broad statement, stating that Israel must act according to international law. Since then, the administration repeatedly emphasized this expectation. In the latest speech by Vice President Kamala Harris, a shift in tone was noticeable – support for Israel was replaced by concern for the Palestinian civilians in Gaza, and a fear of widespread collateral damage.

The US position reflects Biden's domestic predicament, with declining popularity, especially in key states where progressive voters are angry about his support for Israel. A senior American journalist put it well: "It's no longer just about Gaza; it's Michigan, it's Wisconsin." When I met Joe Biden as vice president, he used to tell me: "As my dad told me – Never crucify yourself on a small cross." Today, Biden is crucifying himself on a very big cross –  the State of Israel.

Thousands of people may lose their positions if the Democrats lose the 2024 elections. This political game creates increasing pressure on Israel – to provide a date for the cessation of the fighting against Hamas in Gaza and to find a solution to the humanitarian crisis in the Strip. It's no coincidence that in his most recent visit to Israel, Blinken said that the time for the current operation was limited.

Israel has a strategic interest, first and foremost, to assist Biden – to continue helping us. We did the right thing when we agreed in the past to the opening of a humanitarian corridor in the Strip and the provision of essential aid to the Palestinian population there. Now we need to invest efforts in public diplomacy in the US and dispel the growing claim there that Israel intentionally and maliciously kills Palestinian civilians. Now that I returned from a visit to the US, I realize that while we are winning on the battlefield and in the tunnels, we are losing on TV screens and smartphones, where almost all the emphasis is on the suffering of the Palestinian people.

The IDF spokesperson must do his utmost to highlight the extraordinary effort we take to minimize collateral damage, as well as Hamas' inherent use of civilians. I suggest we allow American journalists to sit and observe at the Israeli Air Force command and control center, where each strike must be vetted so that it meets legal and proportional thresholds on collateral damage. The world needs to see and know that our main goal is, first and foremost, to target terrorists, and there is not a single airstrike placed on the ground without a clear purpose underneath. We must expose to the world the spread of the tunnels along the length and width of the Strip so that everyone realizes that there is no such thing as warfare where no civilians are hurt.

The current over-arching goal is to gain time and maneuvering room that will allow the IDF to continue and complete its mission. The American clock is ticking, and we must slow it down as much as possible through diplomatic means. A nice hour, just an hour before.

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It is clear beyond any doubt that Israel cannot agree to a ceasefire. A ceasefire means a victory for Hamas, which will immediately begin planning its next terrorist attack. It means death for Israel, which won't be able to restore basic security to its border residents, or even to those in the central region. It means that Israel's deterrence will be weakened and reduced to zero.

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So far, the United States' position has aligned with Israel's, and even President Joe Biden has opposed a ceasefire. However, within the Democratic Party, there is growing pressure on the government to put an end to the Israeli military operations in the Gaza Strip. This pressure is also intensifying on campuses, in American cities, and among Arab American allies.

In an attempt to alleviate the pressure and facilitate a ceasefire, Secretary of State Antony Blinken visited Israel for the third time last week. He proposed a "humanitarian pauses," meant to provide water and food to Palestinian citizens in the southern Gaza Strip, and perhaps even to advance negotiations for the possible release of the captives.

Blinken's proposal was immediately rejected by the Israeli government, claiming that they could not agree to limited humanitarian ceasefires without the early release of the captives. Israel is aware that Hamas will exploit these ceasefires to reorganize and seize a significant portion of the aid being sent to Gaza. Based on past experience, it is reasonable to assume that terrorists will blend into the civilian population and escape southward with it. Most importantly, the Israeli public is not ready to give up its nearly sole bargaining chip against Hamas in the matter of the captives.

Common denominator

This situation puts Israel in a dilemma: On one hand, it is very justified resistance to very limited humanitarian ceasefires; on the other hand, there is a strategic need to maintain a united front with the United States. Very soon, we will need American vetoes against anti-Israel decisions in the UN Security Council. Additionally, Israel will soon need another supply of munitions from the United States. So far, President Biden has supported Israel, both in words and deeds, and now he may demand reciprocity from us. He can say, "Help me help you," and rightly so.

Is there a way to square this circle? Israel should consider agreeing to very limited humanitarian ceasefires, both in terms of time and location. In this arrangement, Israel will be able to monitor all aid entering the Gaza Strip and continue fighting in northern Gaza. The glaring disadvantage of any humanitarian aid is the inherent inability to control its distribution within the Gaza Strip, and it is reasonable to assume that part of it will end up with Hamas.

Agreeing to a limited ceasefire will not be easy for the Israeli public, which has not received any humanitarian aid for its captives in 30 days. However, there is strategic and security importance in preserving the unambiguous support of President Biden. Hamas doesn't deserve a ceasefire, not even for a few minutes. Nevertheless, to maintain US support, which currently backs our security mission, we must seriously consider the demands of the Americans and work to find common ground for agreement.

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If a week ago President Joe Biden managed to delight and strengthen the entire People of Israel with his historic speech, on Wednesday he touched our hearts all the more. The president went to the trouble of flying to Tel Aviv, a hot spot in our war against Hamas, and to express again his unreserved support of our right to defend ourselves. He drew a link between our suffering and his own personal anguish as one who had lost a wife and two children. He likened Hamas' blood-curdling slaughter of Israelis to the Nazis' actions against the Jews in the Holocaust and likened its horrors to "fifteen 9/11s." Biden's visit and his far-reaching statements will be recorded as a mighty gesture to the State of Israel and a historic act of heroism in the history of the Jewish people. The president did all of this not only under tangled security circumstances but also in a geopolitical environment no less snarled.

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The timing of the visit could not have been worse. The fatal explosion at the hospital in Gaza the day before his arrival touched off a media explosion and enflamed the discourse surrounding the ongoing war between Israel and the various terror organizations. Biden said, in his typical folksy way, "It appears as though it [the explosion] was done by the other team," without explicitly naming that "other team." This statement, which raised many eyebrows and caused much dissatisfaction, was in fact a highly courageous and meaningful act, in which Biden again stationed himself at Israel's side and absolved it of all guilt. Biden came to give us not only strength but also an embrace. His visit coincided with growing criticism of Israel abroad generally, in the United States particularly, and within Biden's party above all. For the first time in history, the president joined a meeting of the government ministers' war forum and met the heads of the Israeli defense system. Furthermore, he met with families of those murdered, those missing, and those abducted.

Biden offered Israel a massive and unprecedented package worth billions of dollars. Concurrently, he demanded several Israeli concessions in the matter of opening a corridor for humanitarian aid to hundreds of thousands who have been left homeless and, at times, without food and water in the southern part of the Gaza Strip. In my estimation, the possibility of opening an additional front in the north was also discussed against the background of the sizable possibility of massive fire by Hezbollah, which has been issuing a drip of antitank missiles across Israel's border for a week now. Similarly, I am convinced that the presence of two massive aircraft carriers, each escorted by a flotilla of warships, is not a mere show of force. I have been asked whether Biden is capable of pulling the trigger for us, and I answer unequivocally and clearly: yes.

Over the years, I have stated repeatedly that Israel should be willing and prepared to defend itself and get by without American aid. At the present time, I believe that Israel is strong, the IDF is strong, and we are prepared and willing to defend ourselves and our right to exist independently. As I see it, Biden's visit and his actions are not a "rescue" operation for an inept state. Its definitive and immeasurably important goal is to create international legitimacy for the existence of the State of Israel and its right to fight for the safety and security of all its inhabitants.

As President Biden said – the people of Israel live!

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As the decision point nears on how to pursue Operation Iron Swords, Israel's leaders should not rely solely on the top figures of the security establishment but turn to history, and in particular to the first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion. Upon declaration of independence, Israel was attacked by six Arab armies simultaneously.

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With the limited forces at his disposal, Ben-Gurion had to maneuver between various fronts. He gave first priority to Jerusalem, the capital of Israel; second priority to Acre; and the last priority to the southern front, where there was a significant Egyptian force that had stopped on its way to Tel Aviv. Ben-Gurion's maneuver turned out to be highly successful. Israeli forces managed to lift the siege of Jerusalem and liberate the entire Galilee. Only in the later stages of the War of Independence did the forces deal with the Egyptian army, and they did so successfully.

Today, as then, Israel faces a multi-front challenge and needs to make strategic decisions regarding the priority of different areas. Contrary to the prevailing opinion that ground forces should be sent into Gaza, I believe that the northern front against Hezbollah should take precedence.

A golden opportunity to act

Hamas cannot escape anywhere; it is trapped within Gaza, which can be sealed off gradually, and the air force can strike it at any time without significant hindrance. Rooting out Hamas can be done at a later stage. On the other hand, Hezbollah has a vast geographic area and open supply lines.

In terms of military capabilities, the organization poses a much greater threat than Hamas, including hundreds of thousands of missiles (some with precision capabilities) and many experienced fighters with combat experience in Syria. As long as Hezbollah remains unchallenged, it will continue to pose an intolerable strategic threat to the State of Israel.

The recent events are horrifying and hard to watch, but they pale in comparison to what we could see and experience in an attack by Hezbollah. We know this. It is impossible to forget that Hezbollah is directly connected to Iran and draws its power, among other things, from Tehran. A scenario in which Hezbollah carries out war crimes against northern Israel, as Hamas did in the south, is terrifying and almost indescribable.

Sooner or later, we will need to face the northern front. Yesterday, Hezbollah fired first. We have a golden opportunity to act, with support and legitimacy from the international community, to open a front against the organization. Such an action sends a clear message to Arab terrorist organizations and directly challenges Iran. Unlike a ground invasion of Gaza, this move would restore Israel's important deterrent effect. Hamas will wait in Gaza while being unable to escape anywhere.

Changing the Middle East equation

It is time to act. The IDF is almost fully mobilized, with its conscripted and reserve soldiers. The spirit of the people is always strong. Most of the international community is with us, providing us with a tailwind. It is possible and appropriate to choose a strategy of war against Hezbollah, which, under the current circumstances, will be legitimate in the international arena.

This is the time to prioritize, just as Ben-Gurion did in his time. And with the utmost priority, it is time to choose a fateful course of action against Hezbollah and thereby transform the Middle East.

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In the fifty years that I have been researching Israel-United States relations, and in the many years in which I served in senior diplomatic posts that bring the two nations together, I do not remember a more pro-Israel speech than that delivered by President Joe Biden on Tuesday night. The US president expressed unreserved support for Israel, for the Jewish state, and has placed America's power at its defense.

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There have been many pro-Israel American presidents, from President Lyndon Johnson to Presidents Bush and Clinton, but Biden, with his friendship, fervor, sensitivity, and strength has set a new bar when it comes to being pro-Zionist.

I had the privilege to work with Biden for a long time, I know him as a person and a leader who has Israel "in his heart" and I have heard him on more than one occasion describe himself as a Zionist. But I too was surprised by his speech, which could just as easily have been delivered by an Israeli prime minister.

President Biden spoke with Vice President Kamala Harris and Secretary of State Anthony Blinken flanking him, a rare ensemble and one that gave his words added weight and gravitas.

He unequivocally condemned Hamas terrorism and spoke in detail about the horrors and war crimes committed by terrorists against innocents, against women, children, and the elderly. He also condemned antisemitism in the United States and around the world and talked of the Holocaust and the scars borne by the Jewish People.

From a strategic perspective, President Biden repeated his promise to supply the IDF with all the logistics and munitions it requires. Even more importantly, the president made a commitment to deploy American military power against anyone – namely Iran and Hezbollah – who dares to intervene in the war against Israel.

The president once again stressed Israel's right to defend itself, and its right to respond with full force against Hamas. Predicting growing international criticism of Israel, he emphasized that the IDF – like the American military, and contrary to Hamas – operates within the parameters of international law.

Immediately after Biden's speech, I gave an interview to the BBC, in which the presenter strongly criticized Israel for the total siege it has imposed on the Gaza Strip, claiming that this was a violation of international law. That makes Biden's comments all the more important. To put it more simply, President Biden gave Israel a green light to wage its war on Hamas with full American backing. These are not empty words; he has already sent parts of the Fifth and Sixth Fleets to the shores of Lebanon and the Straits of Hormuz.

When I heard his speech, I was deeply moved. It was a speech that will go down in the annals of Israel-US ties and will be remembered by the Jewish People for generations to come.

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Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad made a serious miscalculation. Like their predecessors, they became accustomed to seeing pinpoint responses, if any. Like their predecessors, they crossed a red line, and they will see Israel, the "sleeping giant," awaken in full force in the coming days.

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The terrorists in Gaza mistakenly thought they had studied us closely during four rounds of fighting with Israel in ‪2012, 2014, 2008, and 2021. They were familiar with a country that was willing to absorb hundreds, if not thousands, of missiles and mortar shells. A country that returns fire mainly from the skies, and that is not willing to bring ground forces into the heart of Gaza, but only to the border areas. They were familiar with an Israel that was willing to pay a Qatari fortune to buy quiet in Gaza for a few years. They were familiar with an Israel that is willing to release more than a thousand terrorists from Israeli prisons in exchange for one kidnapped IDF soldier and that will even negotiate for the return of the bodies of soldiers killed in Gaza. They knew Israel well, or so they thought. They knew Israel, but this time they may have miscalculated and fallen into the same misconception our enemies fell into in the past.

This is what happened to Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser in May 1967 during the Six-Day War. Nasser expelled the United Nations forces from Sinai and saw that Israel did nothing in response. Nasser brought the Egyptian army into the Sinai Peninsula, and once again saw that Israel did nothing. Convinced that Israel would remain passive as in the past, Nasser escalated and closed the Straits of Tiran, and forged strategic anti-Israel alliances with Jordan and Syria. In retrospect, it turned out that the Egyptian leader had gone one step too far. Finally, on the morning of June 5, he woke up to the news that the Israeli Air Force had destroyed almost all of Egypt's planes. The Syrians miscalculated too. In five out of the six days of that war, the Syrians rained thousands of shells on Israeli settlements in the Galilee and brought upon themselves an Israeli counterattack that drove them out of the Golan Heights.

Yasser Arafat also miscalculated. In October 2000, after rejecting then-Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak's proposal for the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank, Gaza, and half of Jerusalem, Arafat launched the Second Intifada. He gave the green light to Palestinian suicide bombers to murder hundreds of innocent Israeli civilians. For a year-and-a-half, Israel held back and did not return fire in any significant way – until the moment when the horrific Passover attack took place at the Park Hotel in Netanya, in which a suicide bomber murdered 30 Israeli civilians. Arafat, like Nasser before him, went one step too far, and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's response in the form of Operation Defensive Shield was not long in coming.

"We have awakened a sleeping giant," said Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto, the commander of the Japanese attack on the US Navy at Pearl Harbor in 1941. Israel, like the United States on the eve of World War II, is a sleeping giant. It is not easy to awaken us, but when we wake up, our power and strength are tremendous. In committing the brutal and cruel attack on the residents of southern Israel, Hamas, and Palestinian Islamic Jihad repeated the mistake made by Nasser and Arafat – they went one step too far. They became accustomed to the sleeping Israeli giant, and now they will have to deal with the awake giant in its full force. The people of Israel are strong and unified, and, above all, they are aware and alert to their mission to defend themselves and Israel's right to exist.

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When we look at Israel's situation – in domestic politics and diplomatically – no clear picture emerges; we have to break it down into components.  

First, the US. America is on the eve of the 2024 presidential race, with politically beaten President Joe Biden fighting for survival. He has to deal with the ongoing misconduct of his son Hunter; his support for Ukraine has been a source of growing consternation with Republicans; and in the Middle East the Saudis have turned their backs on him and asked China to mediate between them and Iran. 

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He, therefore, needs an impressive foreign policy accomplishment. According to New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, such an accomplishment could come in the form of the establishment of ties between Riyadh and Jerusalem, potentially transforming the Middle East. Biden said over the weekend that some progress has been made and a deal could be in the offing. 

Second component: Saudi Arabia. US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan visited the kingdom last week and offered Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman security guarantees and US weapon systems in exchange for a normalization deal with Israel. The prince responded favorably, so long as Israel makes a gesture toward the Palestinians, such as a settlement moratorium or issuing more permits for Palestinian construction on Area C. But such a gesture cannot be taken by the Israeli government in its current makeup.

Third component: Israel. Last week the Knesset passed a key part of the judicial reform – the amendment to the Basic Law: Judiciary – which limits the ability of courts to strike down ministerial decisions even if they are unreasonable. Why did the Coalition choose to pass this part of the reform rather than the measures dealing with the appointment of justices and the override clause that can nullify court decisions? The answer was given by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's comments, from which it appears that he wanted that bill enacted so that Shas leader Aryeh Deri could return to the cabinet, after having been disqualified on reasonableness grounds. The focus on Deri's criminal past has all but obscured his rather moderate views on foreign policy. By having the bill passed and bringing him back, he could serve as a counterweight to Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, paving the way for the gesture for the Palestinians. If Smotrich or Ben-Gvir threaten to leave the Coalition, they would be replaced by Benny Gantz and the State Party – a maneuver that is already in the works. 

Connecting all those three components into one big puzzle will allow Biden to preside over a peace signing ceremony on the White House lawn – an optic that he so desperately needs. The Saudis will get the weapons and guarantees they have long asked for, but the big winner will be Israel: Not only will it finally see an end to the conflict with the Sunni world, but will get access to the massive Saudi economy, and from there to the markets in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Pakistan. Israel's diplomatic, economic, and strategic standing will improve manyfold. 

Connecting all those dots won't be easy, and it will depend to a large extent on Netanyahu's actions. Former Mossad chief Tamir Pardo has claimed that Netanyahu secretly controls his cabinet ministers despite the fact that they appear to be loose cannons and generate negative headlines. If that is the case, Netanyahu would be able to deliver a historic deal by every measure and perhaps even bring about an end to the current turbulence rocking Israel. 

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They say that diplomacy is the art of the possible. That is why, despite the conventional wisdom that Israel-US relations have reached a dead end, the two sides can still find a way to move forward. There are even precedents for that. 

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In 2010, then-President Barack Obama demanded an immediate freeze of settlement activity in Judea and Samaria for 10 months. Despite the misgivings in Jerusalem and the political headache this caused for the Coalition, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu heeded that request on the condition that there would not be an extension once the 10 months elapsed. Then, when that moment arrived, the administration did ask for the moratorium to continue for another three months, which put the government in a bind. 

What followed was an intense period of negotiations between the White House and Israeli officials, which culminated with a compromise: Israel would agree in exchange for getting its first F-35 fighter jets at a discount. 

It was thanks to these talks that we proved that through diplomacy, virtually everything is possible. This premise was once again validated in 2020, in the runup to the Abraham Accords.

When the Israeli government said it would annex Area C in Judea and Samaria in coordination with President Donald Trump's administration, this threatened to torpedo the normalization deals with the Gulf states that were in the works. The diplomats then entered the fray and offered a way out: In exchange for ditching the annexation plan, Israel would get to establish diplomatic ties with the United Arab Emirates and then with Bahrain, Sudan, and Morocco. This deal allowed the prime minister to explain to the pro-annexation camp that "we may have made a painful concession, but in return, we got something that is a strategic and financial game-changer." 

The question now is this: Is there something the prime minister would be willing to accept in exchange for giving up – even partially – on the judicial reform? 

President Isaac Herzog could raise several options when he visits Washington this week. One of them, for example, is having Israel finally admitted to the Visa Waiver Program by removing the reported roadblocks recently placed by the administration. Another option is to garner a US pledge to bolster Israel's strategic capabilities when it comes to countering Iran's nuclear threat. A third option is to have the White House accommodate Saudi Arabia's conditions for normalization with Israel by delivering weapon systems. 

Diplomacy may make things possible,  but it cannot be used as a magic wand for everything. Even if the Americans offer something worthy, it might not be enough to deliver the support of Netanyahu's Coalition members. Nevertheless, Herzog can try and see what he gets, as moving forward in the relationship is of paramount importance both morally and security-wise. 

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