But this new wave of antisemitism has taken on new forms. Alongside classical antisemitism, two additional variants have emerged: Islamic fundamentalist antisemitism, and the version wrapped in the "enlightened" discourse of the progressive left.

This latter strain cloaks itself in the language of "justice," "human rights," and "legitimate criticism of Israel." But behind the slogans lies a troubling phenomenon: Holocaust relativization, the blurring of Jewish suffering's distinctiveness, and its appropriation for unrelated political agendas, chief among them, the delegitimization of Israel as the Jewish nation-state.

In this process, Holocaust remembrance itself becomes a target. The assault on Holocaust memory no longer comes through denial, but by eroding its uniqueness. No longer is the murder of six million Jews denied, but it is submerged in a "universal context." The Holocaust is no longer a unique event, it becomes merely "a reference point." This is a cultural hijacking, not through force but through drip-feed; not violently, but through academia, symposia, and footnotes.

Empty moral lenses

Draped in academic robes, armed with Kant quotes, and donning hollow moral lenses - the looters of memory culture preach lofty ideals of "humanism," "universalism," and "global ethics." Under these noble banners, they seek to erase the Holocaust's uniqueness, strip it of its Jewish identity, and place it alongside a lineup of historical tragediesm as though it were just another footnote in the archive of history.

And it is no coincidence that this is happening now, in an age where the struggle is not only over memory, but over the very definition of antisemitism. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's (IHRA) definition, which seeks to combat antisemitism, is countered by the "Jerusalem Declaration," with its universalist undertones.

A day to mark the fight against antisemitism? Is matched by a day for the fight against Islamophobia. They aim to dull the distinctiveness of Jew-hatred, to lump it together with all other forms of racism, as though all suffering were equal. But history has taught us otherwise.

There is nothing more cynical than the fact that the leaders of this hijacking effort are not Holocaust deniers, but often anti-Zionist Jews. For pseudo-academics such as Omer Bartov and Omri Boehm, Holocaust memory is not a moral cornerstone - it is a burden.

In their eyes, Holocaust commemoration has become a cumbersome and unnecessary "golden calf," preventing us from attaining an idealized future free of moral obligations to Jewish uniqueness. For them, current universal injustices or collective traumas are more clear-cut, more relevant, and most importantly, more aligned with their post-colonial worldview.

The public memory fund

This discourse is not taking place on the margins, it is at the heart of the establishment: in faculties, at conferences, in academic journals. The gatekeepers remain silent, and sometimes even collaborate. They allow this hijacking to proceed quietly, enabling others to pillage the public memory fund. That is why I saw a moral obligation to prevent Omri Boehm from speaking at the Buchenwald liberation memorial ceremony. Any attempt to normalize this hijacking, to present it as "legitimate criticism of Israel," will be met with unflinching resistance.

After 2,000 years of persecution and annihilation, we rose from the ashes and established our national home in Israel, vibrant and resolute. We will not stand idly by in the face of the "enlightened" memory looters and gatekeepers who fell asleep on their watch. For the sake of the past and the future, we will stand tall and proud, and we will thwart every effort to defile and dishonor the memory of the Holocaust and its victims. We are the sentinels of memory.

Ron Prosor is the Israeli ambassador to Germany. He previously served as Israel's ambassador to the UK and ambassador to the UN.

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The phrase Foreign Ministry usually connotes two situations: An emergency command center to deal with some earthquake in some far-flung country and cocktail parties with tuxedos.

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But the Arrow 3 deal that was announced last week between Israel and Germany, which is likely going to generate some 14 billion shekels for Israel, is a great opportunity to get a behind-the-scenes look at the world of Israeli diplomacy. This world can be compared to an orchestra whose members have been playing together for more than a year, with synchronization. It comprises security officials and diplomats, whose work will now reap dividends for Israeli citizens on a whole host of levels, from security to the economy and Israel's overall image.

Why was it such a complicated ordeal? In the wake of the outbreak of hostilities in Ukraine, a special fund was allocated to bolster Germany's defense, totaling some 100 billion euros that would go toward procurement over several years. Since the Arrow is a joint Israeli-American project, several government agencies had to sign off on the deal, both in Germany and the US: The German Defense Ministry had to issue a recommendation; various defense committees in both countries; Germany's parliament and the US Congress. Of course, on top of that, Israel's export agencies had to sign off on the matter. The finalization of the deal marks a phenomenal success for Israeli diplomacy and its defense agencies.

But the complex rhythmic dancing on the part of the various actors at play took time. A lot of time. Throughout this period, and all through this period, there were unsung heroes who invisibly lay down the groundwork for this: The members of the Israeli diplomatic service. For years, they did their world diligently in Israel's forward operating bases in diplomatic missions abroad so that this deal could move forward and culminate with a deal being sealed.

The diplomatic dividend is what gives Israel a line of diplomatic credit abroad. Our ability to get support in international forums, in mega deals, in obtaining legitimacy, in cooperation, and in scientific collaboration. All these do not happen with countries that the world shuns.

The security-related benefits of the deal are no less important. Alongside the Defense Ministry, the Administration for the Development of Weapons and Technological Infrastructure, and IMDO – Israel Missile Defense Organization, the Foreign Ministry led the diplomatic effort in a way that could on the one hand increase Germany's motivation to seal the deal and provide impetus for the US to give a green light. The war in Ukraine and the shifting security paradigm in Germany swayed the balance in favor of the decision to go ahead with the deal, but it was Israeli diplomats in Washington, Berlin, and Jerusalem who talked with their counterparts through all available channels and pressured to have it completed.

Finally, there is also an economic boon for Israelis, who feel the economic pinch of the rising cost of living. This deal, which has been pursued by Foreign Minister Eli Cohen, will automatically translate into a boost of energy for the Israeli economy. An injection of 14 billion shekels is a lot of money and all of it could pay for a pay hike to all of Israel's teachers over the next three years. This sum can provide food security and a decent lifestyle to all the Holocaust survivors in Israel for the rest of their life. Every shekel that is invested in foreign relations will see a return on investment in many more multiples.

For me, the symbolic aspects are of great personal value. Germany's impact on Israeli history is well-known and substantial. My personal life story has been intertwined in the bilateral relations. My father Ulrich Proskauer left Berlin in 1936; my first diplomatic posting was in Bonn, then West Germany's capital, and my current assignment as Israel's ambassador to Germany is a dream come true professionally. The fact that the Jewish nation-state, some 75 years after its foundation, has been helping Germany defend itself, is not just a source of national pride but also a generator of real and tangible benefits to Israel on various levels. This is how effective diplomacy is done.

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The death of Queen Elizabeth II took the world by surprise. Although she was 96, it was as if she had been with us forever. This was partly because of her impressive presence, her beaming smile that gave the impression that she was about to confide with you some secret, and her clear stance on the things that mattered. The queen remained above the fray and stayed true to tradition, but she also knew when to depart from convention and put her foot down. 

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Although not many met her personally, many in the UK now feel orphaned and deserted. Many Israelis share this sense of British grief and have found a way to express this sorrow. But why should Israelis care about the queen, whose only meeting with an Israeli head of state took place 50 years after Israel's independence, in 1997, when she met then-Israeli President Ezer Weizman? 

That meeting was moving to all participants. Weizman told her that he had the privilege of defending the British Empire when he was a pilot in the Royal Air Force under her father, King George VI. I can still recall the awe on the face of the Queen Mother, who took the unusual move of joining the state dinner. Who knows what other great conversations the queen would have experienced had she decided to accept more such visits by Israeli presidents? 

When I became ambassador to the Court of St James's and arrived at the palace to present my credentials, the queen was most captivated by the issue of mandatory military service for women in Israel. She told me how during the war, women were required to join some form of national service, and this helped make Brits come together. When she and Prince Philip met my son Tomer at the traditional tea party after the event, she was very keen on him talking about his military experience. 

Now King Charles III is in charge. After the tears dry, up he will have to deal with the ongoing criticism over the very existence of the monarchy. It appears that the queen's larger-than-life persona helped fend off any meaningful action on that front. But eventually, the new king will have to make a compelling case for keeping the system as it is and convince all four nations of the United Kingdom why even in 2022 there is still a need for a royal sovereign. Will he manage to preserve the status of the House of Windsor by dealing with burning issues or by leveraging his clout to help resolve international conflicts? Only time will tell. 

Charles assumes not just his mother's crown but also has to step into her massive shoes after she had successfully become the linchpin that glued together an entire kingdom and the British commonwealth, as well as her own family. Expectations are sky-high and he will have to deal with a new world that is now represented by Prince William and his wife Kate. He will have to make his own unique imprint in this new world, and he could start doing so by holding a royal visit in Israel. 

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German voters will decide the fate of their country on Sunday in what is perhaps the closest election in two decades. As they do that, we must take a step back and thank outgoing Chancellor Angela Merkel. Although much younger, she is in many ways a direct successor to Konrad Adenauer and Helmut Kohl, who as chancellors presided over the "Special Relationship" between Israel and Germany. 

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Merkel has cast real substance into that relationship. Not only has she own up to Germany's responsibility for the atrocities of the Holocaust but also acknowledged Germany's commitment to Israel's continued existence in peace and security as the nation-state of the Jewish people  

This approach should not be taken for granted. Having grown up in East Germany, she had had very limited knowledge of Israel, the Jews, and the Holocaust before she entered politics. That's why when she became chancellor, there was some concern over what her policies would be, but this was quickly dispelled when she made it clear that she saw herself committed to the Jewish people and their country because of the belief that Germany would not be the same without its Jews. In her first speech before the Knesset in 2008, she even took this pledge farther than her predecessors by stating that Israel's security is part of Germany's national interest. In 2014, during Operation Protective Edge in Gaza, Merkel said that Germany cannot stay neutral or indifferent when it comes to Israel's security.

Under Merkel's leadership, Germany has confronted its past with courage and honesty. She has cracked down on antisemitism in her own country and throughout Europe and adopted the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance's working definition of antisemitism. The German parliament also condemned the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement and called in antisemitism. Germany also spearheaded the effort to torpedo the International Criminal Court's inquiry against Israel. Those steps are still considered controversial in Europe but Merkel has never backed down from her steadfast support of Jews and their country's security. She has also expanded the intelligence and security sharing with Israeli agencies, making such ties the strongest Israel has among any European Union member state. As part of this posture, Germany declared all parts of Hezbollah a terrorist organization.

But for all the great things in Israeli-German relations during the Merkel era, which should be commended, we must also shed light on the bilateral aspects that still need improvement. When it came to striking a deal with Iran over its nuclear program, she has pursued a conciliatory approach, unlike the French and British negotiators who have been much more hawkish. Germany's posture on Iran is a direct threat to Israel's security and runs against our very national interests. Germany's voting record in international organizations has also been replete with disappointments under her tenure, as she has largely preferred to toe the line of the EU on many issues in a way that is not commensurate with the special relationship between the two countries. For example, she has joined the rebuke of the US decision to relocate its embassy to Jerusalem 

In the grand scheme of things, the positive aspects of Merkel's policy toward Israel outweigh the negative ones. Merkel is among those rare foreign leaders who became a champion for Israel due to a real sense of commitment rather than just because this served her interests. The chancellor who will emerge victorious following Sunday's vote, regardless of who it is, will be from a different breed of politicians. Merkel's political class is on its way out. Thank you, Angela Merkel for being a true Israeli friend. We hope to see you again. 

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Prince Philip, the Duke of Edinburgh, will be laid to rest in a family service at Windsor Castle that will be closed to the public.

The funeral arrangements are also influenced, of course, by restrictions on large gatherings due to the coronavirus pandemic. With that, even prior to the pandemic, the prince had asked to eschew the customary pomp of a royal funeral. This choice symbolizes Philip's affinity to the monarchy's bygone era, which is slowly but surely being replaced by the celebrity culture espoused by the younger generation.

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Throughout his 74 years as a member of the British royal family, or the "establishment" as he called it, Great Britain saw its share of ups and downs – morphing from a global empire to "just another country" in the European Union, and recently an independent country trying to relive its glory days in the wake of Brexit. One thing never changed – his aversion to the culture of celebrity that spread across Britain in general and the monarchy in particular during his lifetime, a culture that made Princess Diana more popular than the queen herself, led Prince Harry and his wife, Meghan, to leave the country, and to the infamous interview in which the couple leveled harsh claims against the establishment.

The older generation's struggle to adapt to change is a significant challenge for the royal family – to stay relevant. A poll conducted in the UK last December found that preserving the royal institution was an intergenerational fight – 84% of those 65 years old and above support the continuation of monarchical rule, while just 42% of those aged 18-24 support it. It's hard to ignore the same generational dividing lines in the Brexit vote in 2016 when older Brits voted en masse to leave the EU and younger Brits voted to stay.

The royal family's fight to maintain its status is symbolic of Britain's own fight to maintain its status as a leader on the global stage, especially following Brexit. From a leading country in the EU, it must now rebuild its network of international alliances. In the Israeli context, this was good for us. Although Prince Philip had a personal connection to Israel – his mother, Princess Alice, who is buried on the Mount of Olives in Jerusalem, was honored as a "Righteous Among the Nations" and he visited her grave in 1994 – the British attitude toward Israel was chilly from the end of the British Mandate in Palestine up until a few years ago. This approach was dictated by the British foreign office's pro-Arab faction that prevented, for example, an official royal visit to Israel until Prince William's visit in 2018. The UK's need to calculate a new course and bolster its foreign relations in the post-European era ultimately broke the royal family's boycott and led to a rapprochement with Israel, which has been bolstered under British Prime Minister Boris Johnson.

In a few years' time, Queen Elizabeth will be succeeded by her son, Prince Charles, or by her grandson, Prince William. This event will be the final stamp on the changing of the old guard in the UK, a process in which Prince Philip's death is a significant part.

In this period of uncertainty for Great Britain, the royal family will have to play a key role and undergo additional changes. We will all be eagerly watching as these plotlines continue to unfold – in the papers and on our screens.

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For 70 years, UNRWA has been something of a separate entity in the UN, one dedicated solely to the issue of Palestinian "refugees," alongside the agency that handles all other refugees – the UNHCR. But unlike the former UNRWA never even tried to solve the refugee problem and seemed dedicated to perpetuating it.

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Case in point: When UNRWA was founded in 1949, there were around 700,000 Palestinian refugees in the world. Today, their number stands at 5.7 million.

But UNRWA's data must always be taken with a grain of salt, as they tend to artificially inflate. A census that took place in Lebanon in 2017 found that 300,000 people included in the agency's data simply do not exist and that the true number of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon was 66% smaller than stated on its reports.

At the same time, the budgets appropriated to UNRWA put the UN's actual refugee agency to shame.

Not only is UNRWA's budget per-refugee four times greater than that of any other refugee, it employs 30,000 people. The UNRCR, which deals with 70 million refugees, employs only 10,000 people.

But it seems that UNRWA's party is coming to an end.

It started with the Trump administration's decision to cut funding for the agency. Then came the leak of the highly embarrassing internal report that accused the organization's director of corruption. Later still, an increasing number of donor countries, including Switzerland, the Netherlands and New Zealand, announced they were suspending aid.

Sadly, it seems that the donor countries could live with 70 years of fostering hatred and incitement against Israel, but could not stand for the UN agency to be tainted by corruption.

Krahenbuhl's resignation presents a rare window of opportunity and Israel cannot afford to miss it: It is time to put an end to decades of bias and merge UNRWA into the UNHCR.

Those who prefer to leave UNRWA as-is for fear that they will have to deal with supplying education, welfare and health services to the Palestinian population look only at the here and now and ignore Israel's long-term interest, namely to put an end to the Palestinian refugee problem.

Shuttering UNRWA is the smart, just and ethical thing to do, and now it is also possible. We cannot afford to miss this opportunity.

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Much has been said in the past 24 hours about Johnson's brief time as a volunteer at Kibbutz Kfar Hanassi in northern Israel, but I met him quite early in his political career, when he was just a fledgling MP. He visited Israel and I, then the director general of the Foreign Ministry, was his host.

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One of the issues that preoccupied him at the time was the Iranian threat to Israel and the world – years before it became a main issue for the West. It was clear even then that he wasn't going to suffice with the backbenches of parliament. He was going all the way.

Our paths crossed again when he was elected the mayor of London in 2008 and I served as Israel's ambassador to the British capital. His commitment to the protection of London's Jewish community was clear from the get-go, especially vis-à-vis the rise of radical elements in the kingdom.

It would be an understatement to say he cannot look forward to a soft landing at 10 Downing St. – he won't even have 100 minutes of grace, let alone 100 days. Immediately after his meeting with Queen Elizabeth – as dictated by British protocol – he will have to form a government and prepare for a no-confidence vote that Labour plans to submit this week, before parliament breaks for its summer recess.

Along with domestic affairs, the real problems are waiting beyond Britain's borders.

He will have to immediately apply his knowledge of the Iranian issue and demonstrate a determination to resolve the tanker crisis in the Persian Gulf. But the biggest problem he has to deal with has been hovering over Britain and Europe for three years now: Brexit.

Johnson lobbied hard for Britain to divorce the European Union, but he hoped he could avoid the grime of actually making it happen. Now the responsibility is entirely on his shoulders. Although he declared that Britain would exit the EU regardless of a deal, he knew full well that this would be the worst option for the UK. This is why he will try to charm the heads of European countries into making concessions that he can tout to the British public as achievements.

Brexit has so far proven lethal to the careers of two Conservative PMs, May and her predecessor, David Cameron. Johnson may find himself facing elections again before the year's end so as to win the trust of the British public. Hopefully, he won't be moving out of 10 Downing St. as swiftly as he moved in.

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Israeli officials do not understand that military operations on our northern border are not enough to weaken Hezbollah. These actions, as successful as they may be, will only reap short-term achievements. We saw this following the Second Lebanon War, when Hezbollah took a major hit but quickly regained its strength and is now stronger than it has ever been.

If Israel genuinely wants to weaken Hezbollah in the long-term, it must consolidate a three-pronged strategy that relies on intelligence, military efforts and diplomacy. As it stands, the absence of the diplomatic angle allows Hezbollah to act unfettered in Europe and transfer millions of euros to Lebanon from there every year.

While Hezbollah is classified as a terrorist group in the United States and even some Arab League member-states, in Europe it acts without constraint. The Europeans made the decision to artificially differentiate between Hezbollah's military wing, which it classifies as a terrorist organization, and its political wing, which has been given license to act as if it was a separate body. This same European license enables Hezbollah to operate a crime network throughout the continent that engages in drug trafficking and money laundering and uses the profits of these activities to fund terrorist activities on Lebanon's border with Israel and throughout the entire world.

This is where my team at the Abba Eban Institute for International Diplomacy at the IDC Herzliya and myself have taken action. Last week, I took part in a special event at the German parliament, where we presented findings from research we conducted last year that exposed Hezbollah's activities across Europe.

I intend to broaden this campaign in an effort to put an end to this artificial differentiation and have the entire Hezbollah organizations labeled a terrorist organization, because it is only by cutting off the flow of funds from Europe to Lebanon that Hezbollah will truly be weakened in the long run.

By abandoning the diplomatic angle, we have allowed incidents such as what we witnessed on the Foreign Ministry's Facebook page on Monday, when it wrote that the Shiite organization is classified as a terrorist organization in Europe, to happen. While a page with inaccurate messaging harms Israel's public diplomacy efforts, a lack of diplomatic action harms Israel's national security.

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The evidence Netanyahu presented for the existence ‎of secret nuclear facilities in Iran and Hezbollah ‎missile bases in the heart of Beirut is the best ‎answer to Europe's appeasement policy vis-à-vis ‎Iran. This not only exposed Iran's true, nefarious ‎designs for the region but also exposed the ‎weakness of many European leaders and the ‎incompetence of the International Atomic Energy ‎Agency.‎

Despite being privy to detailed, verified and ‎accurate information on Iranian violations of the ‎‎2015 nuclear deal, the IAEA and EU have done nothing ‎to stop it. In their naivety and shortsightedness, ‎they are willing to gamble away the future of the ‎Middle East and the rest of the world, acting as if ‎Iran will one day relinquish its nuclear aspirations ‎willingly.‎

European leaders may opt to see no evil, hear no ‎evil and speak no evil, but Netanyahu reminded them ‎that Israel sees and hears everything and that it is ‎not wary of speaking or taking action wherever ‎necessary.‎

Now it is up to the Israeli government and the Trump ‎administration to demand that, confronted with ‎clear-cut ‎intelligence findings, Germany, Britain ‎and France explain why they insist on supporting the ‎Iran deal. ‎

Netanyahu addressed the General Assembly shortly ‎after Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas ‎concluded his annual show of lies and incitement.‎

Abbas said nothing new, as this year, too, he stayed ‎true to the course of radicalism rather than opt for ‎promoting understanding and reconciliation.‎
While Netanyahu presented world leaders with truths, ‎Abbas presented lies, falsities and half-truths in ‎an attempt to incite his Palestinian and Muslim ‎listeners against Israel, especially with respect to ‎Jerusalem, Al-Aqsa mosque and the situation on ‎the ground. ‎

Breaking his own record for undermining the ‎Palestinian people's interests, Abbas continued to ‎turn his back on the possibility of holding direct and ‎effective negotiations, all while the United States ‎and Israel establish facts on the ground, namely ‎that Israel's existence with Jerusalem as its ‎capital is a fait accompli.‎

Netanyahu addressed the U.N. General Assembly is ‎something of a new era: Israel no longer stands ‎alone at the U.N. to call it out for its own bias ‎and shortcomings. The U.S. has stood up for Israel ‎at the U.N. in the past, but the Trump ‎administration has taken it a step further, ‎challenging the U.N.'s anti-Israel positions head-on. ‎

In the past two years, the United States has begun ‎unmasking international organizations and U.N. ‎agencies such as the Human Rights Council, UNRWA and ‎UNESCO, showing them for what they really are. When ‎the world's greatest superpower is on the side of ‎logic, common sense and the truth, one can, for the ‎first time, be cautiously optimistic that the threat ‎posed by Iran and its proxies, such as Hezbollah, ‎can be resolved via political means and not only ‎through military force. ‎

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While this is very flattering, it is best if we focus on who made this accusation: Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn. According to Corbyn, the Jews are in control of the British media. Jews, and hence the Israeli ambassador, force the prime minister and other legislators to do their bidding on the public airwaves. The Jews also have a strong grip on the global economy.

Despite saying all this, Corbyn insists he is not an anti-Semite. As Abraham Lincoln once said, you can fool all the people some of the time, and some of the people all the time, but you cannot fool all the people all the time.

I met Corbyn for the first time in 2008, against the backdrop of Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip. He was spearheading a demonstration in front of the Israeli Embassy in London that was replete with Hamas and Hezbollah flags. He was vocal in his opposition to Israel's efforts to defend itself, insisting that the rocket attacks on Israeli communities were a result of the "occupation" of the Gaza Strip. He could not be bothered with the fact that thousands of rockets were being fired at Israeli communities or that Israel had left Gaza several years earlier.

In 2010, as I was about to leave London to become Israel's envoy to the United Nations, I was impressed by Corbyn's way of proving he was no anti-Semite, when he compared Israel to the Nazis and said that Israel's military blockade against the terrorist entity in Gaza was as bad as Hitler's siege on Stalingrad.

As anyone who has spent some time in the U.K. knows, the British media levels some of its harshest criticism on Israel. London is one of the most demanding posts for any Israeli diplomat.

I hope that the latest statement unearthed from Corbyn's past will generate enough public outrage to culminate in his ousting. However, it is most likely that we are only at the beginning of a long fight to prevent this very dangerous man from entering 10 Downing Street.

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