She was not a president, not a president's wife, nor a movie star. But a short tour with her in Sderot leaves no room for doubt – Nikki Haley is one of the most beloved American women in Israel. 

As the US ambassador to the UN (and even Americans don't know who held that position before or after her), she proved to be a true friend of Israel, one who shoots straight – about the UN, about international hypocrisy, about Arab states and the West, and about the real challenges facing the world. This honesty is coupled with a personal charm that blends toughness and pleasantness, smiles, and sharpness.

Haley (52), a mother of two and daughter of immigrants from India, has been married to Michael, a US Army officer who has been deployed around the world since 1996. She is credited for having made South Caroline thrive as governor, and at the start of Donald Trump's presidency in 2017, he appointed her as ambassador to the UN, where a close friendship was forged between her and then-Israeli Ambassador Danny Danon, who also taught her a lot about Israel and the biased attitude towards it in the glass building in New York.

Q: What made you such a staunch supporter of Israel?

"It's very organic. I was the first governor in America to pass BDS legislation to make sure that we did an anti-BDS movement. That was because it was just the right thing to do. When I got to the United Nations I actually didn't have a lot of knowledge on Israel, or a lot of knowledge on the challenges that they face. I had heard of them. But until you see it, and experience it..and in that first (Security Council) meeting I had on the Middle East, I went in expecting us to talk about challenges in the Middle East. And all they did one by one, every country was Israel bashing over and over and over again. And I couldn't believe what I thought, what I saw. And then all that did was tell me that these are a bunch of bullies while Israel is a bright spot in a tough neighborhood. Israel is constantly trying to survive. And I just keep watching it. And so then I would see, every time when Israel would get hit, everybody would run to Israel, and say, 'Oh, we're so sorry,' but when Israel hits back, the world is quick to go and criticize Israel. And it happens over and over again. And so every time it happens, I'm gonna keep calling it out because it's wrong. Because someone has to call it out."

In late 2018, after less than two years as ambassador to the UN, Haley resigned. The official reason was a desire to return to private life, but many believed she was preparing for a run for the presidency. She didn't do so in the 2020 elections, but instead waited until February 2023, when she announced she would challenge Trump for the Republican nomination for the White House, ahead of the November 2024 elections. Her early jump into the primary pool last year and her successful campaign brought her to a respectable second place, ahead of Ron DeSantis, Mike Pence, Vivek Ramaswami, and many other men who crashed fairly quickly. However, even she could not stand up to the Trump juggernaut, and in March 2024 she was the last to drop out of the race. After some rest, she decided to make her first stop in Israel, where she arrived this week. Danon initiated the visit and accompanied Haley throughout. On Monday, she visited Kibbutz Nir Oz, which took the worst hit among the Gaza border communities, with a quarter of its residents murdered in brutal ways or abducted to Gaza. Haley toured the charred houses for a long time, heard representatives of the kibbutz recount some of the atrocities, saw a charred baby crib and a teddy bear that had turned from red to black.

The sights are still heartrending. One of the women accompanying the tour stepped aside to cry, but not a muscle moved on Haley's face. She asked questions, sought to understand the details. The same was true when she heard testimony from a survivor of the Sderot massacre. She seemed very attentive, even if she did not outwardly radiate a storm of emotions. It was clear that the experience intensified what she already thought about the war, about Israel, about Hamas, and about the implications for the entire world.

Q: You followed the war from the start, but now that you're here, seeing things up close and hearing the testimonies. What additional impression did you get?

"Everything was magnified. So my sadness felt deeper. My anger felt stronger. My concern was greater. It was important for me to be able to tell Americans why they should care. Americans are very smart, they're unified with Israel, they really are, they do very much feel a bond with Israel. But they need to feel the pain of this. Because to go and see what I saw at the kibbutz – it's house after house after house and the detail that went into it,  the brutality that went into it. whether it was murders or burning bodies alive, or, you know, all of the horrendous things that happen to young women, whether they were raped or mutilated or any of those things. Every one of those was horrific. Every one felt like a nightmare. But we have to acknowledge that it happened. Because when you acknowledge that it happened, then there are no excuses for why we don't hold the right people accountable."

Q: Why should it be important to Americans? They live their safe lives. Do you think it could happen in the US as well?"

"Look, we have an open border;  our border is completely open. Anyone can come in, we don't vet, we don't do anything.It's not taken seriously. And that's the concern we have. We also know that when these Iranian terrorists, they say 'Death to Israel,' but what do they say next? 'Death to America.' We have to believe them. When they say this, they are saying this because they truly want to destroy all that is free, all that is democracy and the West. That's what they want to do. We can't help them do that. And that's why it's important for Americans to know, Israel is fighting America's enemies."

Q: Could an event like October 7 happen in America?

"We had 911 happen in America. And that was unthinkable for us. We thought we were untouchable. We didn't think something like that could happen. And we watched such an orchestrated plan happen.  And so first you go through shock, how could this happen? Then you go through total sadness, especially in Israel, everyone knew each other, and then you get to anger.But the lesson in all of that is what do you do to make sure it doesn't happen again. The best way to make sure it doesn't happen again is to do it right the first time. And we know that as long as Hamas exists, it can happen again. That's why I've said from the very beginning you need to finish them once and for all."

Q: Iran is very close to acquiring a bomb. Even during your time as ambassador to the UN, and in fact for many years – maybe two decades – US administrations have imposed sanctions on Iran, but these have not been enough. Isn't it time to stop Iran's nuclear program by military force simply because there is no other choice?

"First thing you have to do is where everything is not being done, that should be done. So, if Iranian sanctions were put on, why aren't they being followed?"

Q: But are sanctions enough? We have tried that for many years. 

"First, you have to follow the sanctions and enforce them. The second thing is I have said, I think that it's really important that we go after key IRGC members, and make them feel it, we have to start letting them feel what it's like to be weakened. And they haven't had that. I don't think we go into a full war in Iran. That's not what we're talking about. But we do need to send some messages. And that means if you have to take out some key IRGC members..."

Q: Take out, as in killing them? 

"Finish them"

Q: "At the press conference you held earlier, you said something I heard for the first time – that Russia provided intelligence to Hamas. That's interesting."

"I think that we know that Russian intelligence was involved in helping Iran and Hamas do what they did. And I think that's very important that people know that, that this is, you know, Russia is trying to play both sides of the fence, they can't play both sides of the fence. Russian intelligence was used to learn about Israeli bases to learn what had happened, all of those things, they need to be held accountable for their part in this, they can deny it all they want. But the Russian intelligence was involved.

"The second thing is, Russia was struggling with Ukraine. They'd lost 87% of their fighting forces that started the war, they raised the draft age to 65. They did not win it in five days like they thought they were going to do. And so they were getting weaker. And how is it that all of a sudden, you've got this happen on October 7. And what happened, the world's eyes turned from Russia and Ukraine and started looking at Israel. It's the best birthday President Putin ever got. Because all of a sudden, it turned American, the West to now look at Israel, and stop looking at Ukraine."

"The second thing is, Russia was struggling with Ukraine. They'd lost 87% of their fighting forces that started the war, they raised the draft age to 65. They did not win it in five days like they thought they were going to do. And so they were getting weaker. And how is it that all of a sudden, you've got this happen on October 7. And what happened, the world's eyes turned from Russia and Ukraine, and started looking at Israel. It's the best birthday President Putin ever got. Because all of a sudden, it turned American, the West to now look at Israel, and stop looking at Ukraine."

The Russian Embassy in Israel shot back at Haley's comments and issued a statement this week, saying the following In an interview with Israel Hayom published on May 28, Ms. Haley, known for her long-standing 'love' for our country, decided to hammer into the heads of the Israeli public a 'version' she invented in the spirit of conspiracy theories about Russia's imaginary 'involvement' in the organization of the terrorist attack on Israel on October 7, 2023. Proof? Please: 'I think that we know...(!).'...Once again, an American politician is spreading ridiculous, blatant, and outright lies with absolutely no evidence. This is fake. [The] position of Russia regarding the October 7 tragedy has been repeatedly stated at all levels," the embassy attacked.

"You're the good guys"

Haley analyzes the international aspects of the wars in Gaza and Ukraine in a way few Western politicians do. In a Churchillian speech she delivered last week at the Hudson Institute, she warned that China, Russia, and Iran are observing the West's response to the two wars and will calibrate their future steps accordingly.

"If we don't help our friends beat Russia in Europe and Iran in the Middle East, then China will impose its will over Asia, and America itself will be in serious jeopardy," she said in the speech. "The times we live in look like the 1930s. Our economy is weak. Our country is divided. Our leaders fail adequately to stand up for our allies, even as our enemies target them and set their sights on us," she warned. 

Q: Do you think we are close to a third world war? 

"We shouldn't want that to happen. But what we should do is make sure that we get rid of the enemies. And that's why I think it's important for America and any freedom loving country to understand that standing with Israel is fighting our enemies. And that's the part that we have to understand. And that's the part the Arab community has to also admit. Iran is not just an Israel problem. Iran is not just America's problem. Iran is a world problem that we have to deal with."

Q: Interestingly, the Arab states are quiet, and the protests we have seen in Western countries such as the US, Britain, and France are not seen there. 

There's a reason that the Arab countries are not taking any of the Palestinians because they don't know which ones are Palestinians. They don't know which ones are Hamas…there is something that needs to get out that is hugely important. You had 3000 Hamas terrorists come and invade that border. But thousands of Palestinian citizens also came, also did so many destructive things, and also helped with the murders that can't be overlooked. Because what that means to Israel's security, they don't know who they can trust and who they can. The rest of the world can't say, 'Oh, be nice to the Palestinians,' when these are some of the people who murdered their brothers and sisters. And the world needs to understand that you can't ask them to do that. That's an unfair ask to ask anyone in Israel to suddenly be able to go and put all of that aside to help the Palestinians. They don't know who to trust. That's not Israel's fault. That's the Palestinians' fault now. Now they have to show us how we can trust them again.

Q: I want to move to Biden's policy towards Israel. We do see military aid and shipments arriving from the US since the start of the war, but the President halted a delivery a couple of weeks ago, so the message is mixed. Is this the way the US should be treating Israel these days?

Republicans and Democrats need to understand that this is a war, we all need to make sure we finish. And if you're a friend, be a true friend. So if we want to be a friend to Israel, the best thing America can do is let Israel do its job and just support. We shouldn't be preaching to Israel, we shouldn't be telling them how to win the war, we shouldn't be telling them what they can or can't do. We should just be saying, 'What else do you need?' Bottom line? That's it. That's what I want to see America do: be a friend, a true friend, and make sure all the other countries that are aligned with us are true friends with Israel too."

Q: But the administration has not been doing that. Rather, it has been telling us what to do. For example, 'Don't enter Rafah, bring more and more humanitarian aid' – which goes to Hamas – and so on. What, then, should Israel do? Abide by what the administration says or choose the path of war as we see fit.

"Israel needs to tune out the noise and finish the job. We know that they have to go into Rafah. I know they have to go into Rafa because that's so much where the Hamas movement still is. For them not to go into Rafa is to lead the terrorists still in power. I also know that a lot of the aid that is going into Gaza is feeding Hamas, fueling Hamas using they're using it, and the Palestinians really aren't getting much of it. But this goes back to the fact that if the Palestinians want a better life, they need to get rid of Hamas. They need to change leadership; they need to understand that they are in this situation because of the leaders around them. This is not Israel's job to save the Palestinians, the Palestinians should want to save themselves by getting rid of the terrorists who are trying to control them who are using them as human shields."

Q: What do you think about President Biden not allowing entry into Rafah and not wanting, for example, Israel to encourage emigration from the Gaza Strip to other places in the world? Is it okay with you to allow Gazans to immigrate to other places?

"I think that the Arab countries if they are as concerned about the Palestinians, as they say, they should take them. I have always said, Where is Egypt in all of this? Where's Qatar in all of this? Where are Arab countries that supposedly really care? Why aren't they taking them? It's the same thing that happened when I was at the United Nations. And I cut aid to UNRWA. I cut aid to UNRWA, because I saw what was happening in the schools. I visited the schools, they weren't changing the teaching. They weren't changing the textbooks…we eliminated the funding to UNRWA, but the new administration sent that money back to UNRWA, and what happened? You see all those principals, teachers, everyone, they were actually Hamas terrorists, that were doing this, you see that the tunnels underneath and the data centers underneath, the electricity came from UNRWA schools…I'm going to ask again, are all of those Arab countries willing to fund UNRWA after that? Should UNRWA continue to even exist after that? It shouldn't. And so that goes back to the United Nations. That goes back to the ICC and the ICJ, why did you have strikes in Tel Aviv yesterday? Because when the ICC does that [goes against Israel], you just embolden the terrorists to do it again."

Q: Most Israelis agree with you. But we feel quite alone and we know the truth, unlike the international courts accusing us. So how should Israel react to the decisions against it?

"For the ICC to even mention Israel and Hamas in the same sentence is disgusting. And what I will tell you is there's a reason the United States doesn't give credibility to the ICC. But the ICC just showed the world again, why they don't deserve any credibility. That was immoral, the way they came out, and did that, you can't put the two side by side and say the same thing. I want the ICC, that everything that they have mentioned about Israel, now do Hamas? What are you [the ICC] going to say about the mutilations of those girls? What are you going to say about the rapes of those girls? What are you going to say about the fact that they still hold hostages? What are you going to say about the fact that they burned bodies alive and bragged about it? What are you going to say about the video that came out last week of the girl sitting there, and them [ Hamas] saying these would be good to get pregnant?  That's what I want the UN to focus on. That's what I want the ICC to focus on. Israel  – They're the good guys. And you know what, I want Israelis to know, you're doing the right thing. Don't let anybody make you feel wrong, because Israel is not wrong in this. There are a lot of countries in the world that are wrong because they're siding with the terrorists, and that needs to end. And we need to acknowledge the fact that the last thing Israel needs is for us to go stab them in the back when they're already down."

Q: So should countries who are signatories to the ICC's treaty obey its orders if it seeks to arrest Netanyahu or Gallant? 

"Absolutely not. Because if they do that you're siding with the terrorists. There is no gray between Hamas and Israel. This is the difference between who started it, Hamas, and who's trying to finish it. If this had happened to any of those countries, any of them? I guarantee you, they would be doing the same thing and probably not as careful as Israel is to try and prevent loss of life."

Q: If you were in office now, what would you do as an American leader to the courts in The Hague?"

"They should be sanctioned. I think we should be sanctioning the ICC and ICJ at least from the American standpoint, and I have called on Congress to do that. It should sanction them because if they are going to start to make these kinds of rulings, to our friends, we should let them know that there's a price to pay when you do that. This should be problematic for any country who just witnessed what happened on October 7… I think it's a danger to Israel, but it's a danger to all of us where that could happen. And they could turn around and do the same thing to us."

Trump: Jabs and support

Throughout her public career, Haley has presented a somewhat different kind of politics. Humane, feminine, direct, without ego. She is not surrounded by hoards of security guards and insists people call her "Nikki." But none of this makes her any less tough than the men around her. Perhaps the opposite. In response to a sexist remark by Vivek Ramaswami in one of the debates, she retorted: "I Wear Five-Inch Heels", and I don't wear them unless you can run in them. I wear heels, they're not for a fashion statement, they're for ammunition." That line caught on fire on social media and has already entered the pantheon of American politics. This boldness was directed this past year also towards her main rival in the primaries, Trump. She did not excoriate him completely as senior Republicans who left the party because of him did, but she did not spare him criticism. "We can't have four more years of chaos, retribution, and drama... America needs a captain who will steady the ship, not one who will rock it," she said. She also jabbed Trump for his affinity for dictators like Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un, and hinted at Biden's advanced age his taking of documents from the White House she termed "irresponsible," yet Haley did not burn her bridges with Trump and described the prosecutions against him as "political."

Just recently she announced that she will still vote for Trump in the elections. This disappointed the Democrats. Haley is considered the unofficial leader of the anti-Trump faction in the Republican Party, and they had hoped she would pull votes their way, or at least remain neutral. The former ambassador was reluctant to discuss politics outside the borders of the US, but it appears she is now seeking to mend fences with the former president, who according to polls will likely be the future president as well.

Q: "You had some nice achievements in the primaries, so I wondered if in your view it was a once-in-a-lifetime experience, or if you might try again in the future. And in the same context, if Trump does indeed win the elections, do you see yourself as part of his administration? Many Israelis would certainly welcome such a possibility."

"I really haven't thought about whether there'll be another run or something like that, can't imagine it right now. Just because when you come off 13 or 14 months of strong campaigning and long days, it's not something…you know, I'm spending a lot of time regrouping with my family, my husband's back home from deployment. My son just graduated college. So that's really been what I've focused on. And look, I mean, I have said, who I will be voting for, I will vote for Trump. But the reason that I will is because we need a president who's going to have the backs of our allies and hold our enemies to account. We need a president that's going to really make sure that we have a strong economy with economic freedom, we've got to get our debt under control as well. And I just see everything else that's happened."

"I really haven't thought about whether there'll be another run or something like that, can't imagine it right now. Just because when you come off 13 or 14 months of strong campaigning and long days, it's not something…you know, I'm spending a lot of time regrouping with my family, my husband's back home from deployment. My son just graduated college. So that's really been what I've focused on. And look, I mean, I have said, who I will be voting for, I will vote for Trump. But the reason that I will is because we need a president who's going to have the backs of our allies and hold our enemies to account. We need a president that's going to really make sure that we have a strong economy with economic freedom, we've got to get our debt under control as well. And I just see everything else that's happened."

Q: Now that you are supporting Trump, I read that Democrats are accusing you of being inconsistent. 

If I thought that Trump and Biden were great, I wouldn't have run. But the policies that I ran on are the same policies I'm voting on. And you can't walk away from an ally. You can't hold back weapons from an ally. You can't put America in danger because you're not standing with Ukraine or standing with Israel or making sure that we're protecting ourselves. And when it comes to the border in America, it's open, it needs to be closed. When it comes to helping and having the backs of our allies we need to do that. And I know that from a standpoint – it's not even close – that Trump would make sure that happens. And so that's who I'm voting for. That's what I said, you can look at my statement last week, it stands on its own. But right now I care about America. That's all I care about. I have no political endeavors. There's nothing I'm trying to do. There's nothing I want or I'm trying to push for. It's just because I think it's so important that we have to have a strong America. Because when America's weak, the world is less safe. Yeah. And we're seeing that play out."

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In a strike in Rafah in the Gaza Strip, Israel eliminated overnight Yassin Rabia, head of Hamas' West Bank command, and Khaled A-Najar, another senior official in the terror organization. Israel is investigating claims that additional Gazans were hit in the strike. According to Palestinians, some 35 people were killed in the strike.

The White House spokesman said the United States is "aware of reports of the strike in Rafah and is gathering information on it." Meanwhile, US Central Command reported intercepting a ballistic missile fired at it over the Red Sea, apparently by the Houthi militia in Yemen.

In response to the attack, the Palestinian Authority is calling for international pressure on Israel. In Jerusalem, clashes took place between IDF forces and Palestinians in the Shuafat Refugee Camp, and in the West Bank there are reports of clashes near Jenin.

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The slogan "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free" has become a rallying cry for many, sparking passionate responses and heated debates. However, the true meaning behind this phrase is often misunderstood or oversimplified.

Identifying the River and the Sea

One of the first points of confusion surrounding this slogan is the identification of the specific river and sea mentioned. It refers to the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, the bodies of water surrounding Israel. This ambiguity allows for different interpretations of the slogan's meaning. For some, it represents the creation of a single, democratic state where Israelis and Palestinians can live together in harmony, regardless of their religion or background. Others, however, view it as a call for the destruction of the state of Israel and the establishment of an exclusively Palestinian state in the entire territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

The Impracticality of a one-state solution

One of the first points of confusion surrounding this slogan is the identification of the specific river and sea mentioned. It refers to the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, the bodies of water surrounding Israel. This ambiguity allows for different interpretations of the slogan's meaning. For some, it represents the creation of a single, democratic state where Israelis and Palestinians can live together in harmony, regardless of their religion or background. Others, however, view it as a call for the destruction of the state of Israel and the establishment of an exclusively Palestinian state in the entire territory between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

The idea of a single, democratic state that encompasses both Israel and a future Palestinian state may seem like an appealing solution, but it is largely seen as an impractical fantasy. The deeply rooted identities and histories of both the Jewish and Palestinian peoples make it highly unlikely that such a solution would be accepted by the majority of either side.

In fact, less than a third of Israelis and Palestinians would be comfortable with a single state that is neither explicitly Jewish nor explicitly Arab. The two sides have spent the past century fighting each other, and the trust between them is at an all-time low. Forcing them to share a state would be a recipe for disaster, as seen in the examples of Belfast and Ireland and the former Yugoslavia.

The original Arabic slogan and its variations

The original Arabic slogan, "Min al-nahr ila al-bahr, Filastin sa-takun hurrah," translates to "From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free." However, some versions of the slogan include the phrase "Filastin sa-takun 'Arabiyah," which means "Palestine will be Arab," or even "Filastin sa-takun Islamiyah," meaning "Palestine will be Muslim."

These variations reveal the diverse and often conflicting goals of the different Palestinian factions. While some may have envisioned a single, democratic state, others were more focused on the establishment of an exclusively Arab or Muslim-majority state in the entire territory between the river and the sea.

The evolution of the slogan and the peace process

The slogan "From the River to the Sea" gained traction among Palestinians in the 1960s with the formation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Until the 1990s, the goal of most Palestinian factions was the complete destruction of the state of Israel, with no room for Jewish self-determination in the region.

The slogan "From the River to the Sea" gained traction among Palestinians in the 1960s with the formation of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Until the 1990s, the goal of most Palestinian factions was the complete destruction of the state of Israel, with no room for Jewish self-determination in the region.

However, the 1990s saw a shift in the peace process, with the PLO leader Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin recognizing each other's existence and signing the Oslo Accords, which were meant to pave the way for an eventual Palestinian state alongside Israel. This marked a move away from the zero-sum game mentality, where the existence of one state meant the destruction of the other.

The failure of the peace process and the resurgence of extremism

Unfortunately, the peace process ultimately failed, and the situation in the region has continued to deteriorate. Viewing the territory from the river to the sea as sacred Muslim land that cannot be ceded to Israel, extremist terror groups like Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad have rejected the peace agreements and the PLO and gained popularity among Palestinians. Additionally, a Jewish extremist assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin for his involvement in the peace process.

The Impact on College Campuses and Beyond

In the wake of the October 7 massacre, "From the River to the Sea" has also had a significant impact on college campuses, where it has become a source of controversy and conflict. This has led to heated debates, protests, and in some cases, violence, with Jewish students reporting feeling unsafe and targeted on their own campuses. The situation has become so dire that some university presidents have been forced to resign due to their perceived lack of moral clarity in addressing these issues.

The need for mutual understanding and compromise

Ultimately, the reality is that neither Israelis nor Palestinians are going to magically disappear. The two peoples are inextricably linked, and any lasting solution to the conflict will require mutual understanding, compromise, and a willingness to move beyond the zero-sum mentality that has dominated the region for so long.

The post The complex meaning behind 'From the River to the Sea' appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The scene could be straight out of a movie, one even the world's finest director would struggle to recreate. In the narrow alleyway stands a frozen, angry-eyed gray cat, refusing to budge despite the gunfire, thunderous explosions, and commotion of soldiers. Behind it, a child's blue bicycle and a wheelchair peek out from the rubble – a grim reminder of the lives upended. "That cat has been there for days," noted one soldier. "I can only imagine what it witnessed to leave it so petrified."

Video: IDF reporter in Gaza, May 2024 / Credit: Yehuda Shlezinger

The entrance, like many others in Gaza, is not the original door but a new opening blasted through the wall by Israeli forces. To enter, one must step over two dusty purple mattresses, turn right into the living room, and veer left into the first bedroom – where it lies: a sunken, square pit in the center of the tiled floor leading straight to hell.

It was in this ten-meter-deep pit opening into a tunnel that the bodies were hidden before being recovered last week in a daring overnight operation by the elite Paratroopers Brigade's 202nd Battalion.

"We didn't know there was a pit there," recounts Lieutenant Colonel Almog Rotem, the battalion commander, standing above the pit in the dimly lit room. "The one who found it was Team Leader Staff Sergeant Roy Beit Yaakov, may his memory be a blessing. His team had completed an objective but instead of moving on, Roy decided to linger. With the instincts of a professional combat soldier, he probed deeper, applied sound logic, moved some furniture and the rug – and uncovered a metal sheet concealing the pit beneath. He radioed in, 'We found a pit.' We brought in the elite underground combat engineers of the Yahalom unit, and they began working."

A senior Yahalom officer who descended into the pit shared with Israel Hayom, "After our explosive ordnance disposal teams cleared the area around the pit, we entered the underground passage. Our mission was to locate and engage the enemy; we didn't know there were hostages inside. We fought our way through, conducting excavations at suspected points, and that's when we came across the bodies. We couldn't be certain they were the captives, but we were highly optimistic these were our men. Nothing can prepare you for the moment you're told those are four captive bodies. It's an immense privilege. We're committed to doing everything in our power to hunt down Hamas' tunnels and bring all our hostages home."

Just two days after the 202nd Battalion's phenomenal achievement in recovering the bodies, a devastating friendly-fire incident occurred when a tank fired on a building where the soldiers were positioned, killing five.

"We've experienced some harsh combat events, but the defining trait of the 202nd is that we never stop," says Lt. Col. Rotem, reflecting on his troops' sentiments following the tragic incident, which also claimed the life of Company Commander Captain Gal Shabbat in a separate engagement. "This was a severe event that should never have happened but did. We're in a grueling, challenging war. We fight shoulder-to-shoulder with our armored corps brethren and embrace them; throughout this war, their actions have saved dozens of soldiers' lives. My heart goes out to the families of the fallen; we will embrace them and push forward to complete the mission."

"I fight side-by-side with my troops; they possess remarkable mental and personal fortitude. They endure harsh experiences, but I see a glimmer in their eyes, their dedication, how they attack and never stop. Not a single soldier has said, 'I don't want to continue.'"

The battle in Jebaliya's refugee camp is extraordinarily challenging. The narrow alleys are impassable for tanks, traversable only by infantry. Hamas had months to prepare, rigging every area with explosives. Lt. Col. Rotem gestures toward the combat zones facing the terrorists: "This is a grueling urban warfare scenario – you confront the enemy face-to-face at short ranges in a dense environment. Our troops possess extraordinary capabilities and skills."

Amid the cramped alleys lingers a putrid stench of rot and death – fallen terrorists buried under the rubble during the fighting, Rotem explains grimly. "It's the smell of war. The enemy has honeycombed buildings with passageways, trapped courtyards and houses, and remotely triggered explosives. There's not a single house here where we haven't found at least five explosive devices – one at the entrance, another in the yard on the exit, and so on. Thankfully, we have techniques and training to neutralize these threats. We approach from unexpected angles and annihilate the enemy. Hamas terrorists have crumbled before the IDF's might."

"We managed to recover four bodies of captives, a significant achievement. None are prouder than us to have brought them to burial in Israel. It's saddening to find a captive's body instead of a living person who could return to their families, but knowing there are four Israeli families who endured eight months of agonizing uncertainty, and that we could provide them a modicum of solace amid this nightmare – it's a good feeling. We will continue risking our lives to defend the state and its citizens, in complex terrain conditions, for as long as it takes to restore security for the people of Israel and recover our captives."

Lt. Col. Rotem also had a message for the media covering the war: "We are carrying out our missions, so be sure to tell the story of our troops to the people of Israel. They are fighting like lions in these alleys, under constant threat. They are heroes. This is not a simple war, but there have been remarkable operations that have achieved tremendous success. Tell their story."

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Three Jewish-owned businesses located close to each other on Manhattan's Upper East Side were vandalized early Wednesday morning, with their glass doors and windows shattered. The affected establishments were Level 78 barber shop on 78th Street and Third Avenue, kosher restaurant Rothschild TLV on Lexington Avenue and 79th Street, and The Nuts Factory candy shop on Third Avenue and 74th Street. The incidents occurred around 2 a.m. on Wednesday, coinciding with Israel's Independence Day.

In addition to Rothschild TLV and The Nuts Factory, a third Jewish owned business on the UES, Level 78 barber shop, was also broken into last night.
Photos the Israeli owner sent me show a mezuzah on the smashed front door. pic.twitter.com/foJ8BaeSRB

— Haley Cohen (@HaleyCohen19) May 15, 2024

A City Hall spokesperson acknowledged the attacks, telling Jewish Insider, "The NYPD is aware of a series of incidents that took place at several businesses on the Upper East Side of Manhattan and is investigating. We are also aware that many of these sites are visibly Jewish-run businesses, and we understand how unsettling this news may be for a community that is already on edge."

The spokesperson further added, "As part of the investigation, the NYPD is looking into whether these were biased attacks, and if found to be true, will not hesitate to arrest and charge the individuals responsible accordingly."

Owners suspect hate crimes

Rami "Richie" Yagudayev, the owner of Level 78, told JI that a phone used for playing music was stolen, but no money was taken from the register. He described the culprit as "an Asian man with his face covered by a mask," based on surveillance footage. Yagudayev, who is from Israel and has owned the barber shop for 10 years, said, "The blessings saved my shop," referring to the mezuzah – a sacred Jewish object fixed to doorstops – and photos of the Lubavitcher Rebbe displayed in the store. Upon learning about the vandalized windows at Rothschild TLV and The Nuts Factory, Yagudayev stated, "Now [it seems like] a hate crime."

Avital Chizhik-Goldschmidt, the rebbetzin at Altneu Synagogue on the Upper East Side, also spoke with JI, saying,  "History doesn't repeat but it definitely rhymes," drawing a parallel to Kristallnacht, the widespread attacks on Jewish-owned businesses in Germany in 1938. She emphasized that the Upper East Side attacks were "clearly an effort by terrorists to intimidate the local Jewish community."

Surge in antisemitic incidents

The incidents come amid a dramatic spike in antisemitism in New York City and in the US in general since Hamas' Oct. 7 terrorist attack on Israel. According to the ADL (Anti-Defamation League), there has been a 140% increase in 2023 from the 3,698 incidents recorded in 2022, highlighting the growing concerns within the Jewish community.

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"I hate wars," the French philosopher Bernard-Henri Lévy tells me this week, "but I've witnessed many up close, and for 50 years I've been going to the front lines to bear witness, to write, and to use my weapon – the pen – whenever I can to support just causes.

"What's happening now is no different. It's a war that Israel did not wish for even for a second – and one it must win. It's about Israel's survival, but it's also about justice, freedom, and human rights."

"I jumped on the first plane to Israel," he recounted to his European readers on October 23, just days after Oct. 7, vividly describing his impressions from Sderot, Beersheba, Kfar Gaza, and the area around, long before the ground incursion into the strip. But unlike other opinion leaders around the world, his solidarity with Israel did not wane in the passing weeks. On the contrary – through the pages of newspapers and interviews, he has issued a consistent, clear call: The world must not leave Israel alone in its battle against Hamas.

This, among other things, is also what prompted him to recently write and publish, amidst the atmosphere of Israel-hatred and antisemitism pervading Europe and North America, his book "The Loneliness of Israel." The book has been on French bookshelves for a few weeks now and is soon to be released in the United States as well.

Lévy has never been bound by the intellectual bon ton of his time – be it as a philosopher who challenged the neo-Marxist orthodoxy and the new leftist spirit of his generation or as the founder of the "New Philosophers" group in the late 1960s. The same holds true for his multi-disciplinary approach throughout his prolific career, which has included years of journalistic work, literary writing, and filmmaking, culminating in a series of documentary films from the battle zones of Ukraine, the latest of which was recently screened in France and the United States.

The similarities between the two countries, Ukraine and Israel, and between the two wars, especially concerning the Western world's attitude toward them, will resurface time and again in our conversation, held just before he arrives in Israel to present his book at an event held in his honor at Netanya Academic College.

Q: Israel will mark its 76th Independence Day just days after the interview, and the title of your new book is hardly the most joyous of birthday presents. Is Israel really so alone?

"Yes, it's utterly alone, more than ever before. The world doesn't understand it either, and it's reviled by everyone. There's absolute ignorance about it, about the history of the state, and about the place of the State of Israel in Jewish history.

"Yes, it's utterly alone, more than ever before. The world doesn't understand it either, and it's reviled by everyone. There's absolute ignorance about it, about the history of the state, and about the place of the State of Israel in Jewish history.

"That's why I wrote the book. It answers simple questions. It goes back to the basics of the State of Israel and asks the most basic questions, around which there's the most ignorance: Why does Israel exist? In what sense is it a colonial phenomenon? How can a people present in a place for 3,000 years be considered occupiers? And so on. People in Europe have no inkling about any of these things."

Q: We're talking about a world that questions the most fundamental thing: Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state.

"Exactly. That's what's meant when people sing in the streets of Paris or New York, 'From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free.' The meaning of that chant is the erasure of Israel, its elimination as a Jewish state and as a state altogether."

Q: So who has left Israel alone? Who has abandoned it?

"Its allies, who've succumbed to public opinion at home. They're still Israel's allies, but today they're more cautious about anything concerning it."

Double standards

Lévy's preoccupation with "The Loneliness of Israel" is especially relevant this week, as the world seems to be negotiating with Hamas, recognizing some of its demands, and not committing to its elimination. "I hate being right about this, but the title of my book is still valid," he says regretfully. "Despite the wave of solidarity with Israel after Iran's attack on the night of April 13, the loneliness is returning with a vengeance.

"Israel's allies are saying: Jews are allowed to be strong, but not too strong. To defend themselves – but only up to a point. What country would allow its citizens to be attacked like that? None! And yet Israel is being asked to restrain itself. There's no limit to the double standards.

"The problem with Hamas is that it's not a normal, rational enemy, and yet we in the West keep trying to treat it as one. I said Russia is a terrorist state and should be treated as such – well, the same goes for Hamas, especially with Russia backing the terrorist organization. Of course, Iran is backing it too, and in a sense, so is Turkey – not to mention Qatar, which continues to give refuge to Hamas leaders and has the gall, on top of everything, to play the role of mediator."

Q: Does that mean Israel needs to "finish the job" in Rafah and defeat Hamas despite the international backlash?

"Yes. I've been saying from the start that the way to win in Gaza is to go through Rafah. Hamas must be dismantled for Israel's future, but also for the future of the Palestinians. Israel and the Palestinians must be liberated from Hamas. The world needs a Hamas-free space – from the river to the sea."

Q: But the international community is pressuring Israel to end the war and reach a ceasefire.

"Western leaders, led by President Joe Biden, should invest every effort in pressuring Hamas until it surrenders. As I wrote in the Wall Street Journal: Enough with these endless negotiations with the Qataris. Maximum pressure must be applied to Hamas. A military victory over Hamas is essential; there's no other way for Israel and the region as a whole to move forward. Otherwise, Hamas will emerge victorious from this war and be able to take pride in having won."

Q: In other words, go all the way.

"Absolutely. Israel must go all the way in this war. For its security, for the sake of the Palestinians, for the sake of the entire region, and for the world. Just like Ukraine, Israel is fighting for the values of democracy and freedom. Like the Kurds who fought against ISIS to defend their land but also to prevent the next 9/11 or the next Bataclan (the Paris theater where an attack took place in November 2015). Israel is in the same position, fighting on the same kind of front."

A war of existence

"Israel's victory is a victory for freedom, for democracy, for everything right and just, whereas a Hamas victory is a victory for barbarism, for terror, for murder and rape," he tells me when I press him again on the international pressure. "An Israeli victory is the victory of the defenders of Ukraine in the trenches of Bakhmut in eastern Ukraine, and of the children hiding in shelters in Kharkiv.

"Israel's victory is a victory for freedom, for democracy, for everything right and just, whereas a Hamas victory is a victory for barbarism, for terror, for murder and rape," he tells me when I press him again on the international pressure. "An Israeli victory is the victory of the defenders of Ukraine in the trenches of Bakhmut in eastern Ukraine, and of the children hiding in shelters in Kharkiv.

"It's the victory of the Uyghurs, of the brave Kurds still defending us from ISIS, of the Nigerian Christians who have only stones against the killers of Boko Haram and Fulani, and of all those who don't want war – but must fight to be free. A Hamas victory is a victory for the Islamic Republic, for Russia, for Turkey, for China, for extremist Islam. To allow such a thing – that is, to push Israel to stop the war – would not just be a defeat for Israel, but for all of us. And that is unacceptable."

Q: So how do you explain the international pressure?

"The American elections. It's small politics. It's sad, but it's the truth. I was surprised by President Biden's behavior. On one hand, the military and economic aid keeps flowing. On the other, you can clearly sense that he's hearing the protests and the rumblings coming from his base. Franklin Foer recently published an article in The Atlantic: 'The Golden Age of Jewish America is Over.' I think that's tragically correct."

Q: Time for Aliyah – for You?

"Perhaps, but for now it's not my choice, nor the role I've given myself. My role is to fight here, in France. To explain to the French that if there is a true, great republic – in the good sense that word has in France – then that republic is Israel. A liberal, multi-cultural republic with the rule of law."

Q: What exactly are you trying to explain to them and to the world?

"Historically, the world has forgotten about the need for a State of Israel. It has forgotten that if nations ultimately gave the Jews this small strip of land called Israel, it was to erect a barrier, to build a fortress against the rivers of Jewish blood spilled by hatred, pogroms, and the Holocaust over thousands of years. Today, it seems, no one understands that Israel is waging a war of existence."

Q: Which is something, unlike many others, you insisted on witnessing firsthand from day one.

"That's right. I came to Israel on instinct. On Saturday morning at 9 a.m., I saw the first news alerts on my phone. I understood something enormous was happening. Not a regular event – but the event, with a capital T. I decided to get on the first plane and go to Sderot, and then to the kibbutzim.

"It was a reflex, an instinct. The things I saw are in the book I wrote. I was with ZAKA. The bodies that were found in Kfar Aza had already been buried. Only the bodies of the Hamas killers remained, and body parts, pieces of skin they couldn't identify that hadn't yet decomposed. I'll never forget those images, those smells."

Q: What kind of reactions are you getting?

"It seems the book has shaken some people. Maybe not convinced them, but shaken them. People whose minds aren't made up, who've been manipulated, but who still heard my arguments. The battle isn't lost, far from it."

Q: Could it be that things are simply not being conveyed accurately to the world?

"I don't think there's an issue with the information people are receiving. The data is available to them. The problem is that people really don't want to hear. There are too many preconceptions, too many clichés. A thick layer of false knowledge has accumulated, preventing people from knowing the facts, from knowing what really happened. It's a phenomenon we've known since Spinoza and Freud – willful ignorance. That's what's driving people now."

Q: You use a harsh term in the book: the denial of October 7. Like Holocaust denial, except here you're pointing to simultaneity. In other words, denial in real-time.

"That's exactly it. There was a first event, October 7, and immediately after, a second event – the erasure of October 7. I don't think I've ever seen such a thing happen simultaneously."

Academic wilderness

Q: After the recent decision against Israel at the UN, you recently referred to the UN as an entity in a "brain-dead" state.

"The UN is in the same state the League of Nations was in 1938, only worse. In the book, I've compiled the statements, the non-statements, the hypocrisy, the frivolity, and the lies of UN agencies from day one of the war. It's terrible. The UN is dead. It's still twitching a bit, but it's dead. The time is approaching when we'll need to invent something else."

Q: You're referring to the decision in March.

"Yes, we're entering a dangerous zone. We're seeing how an empire like America is dancing two steps forward and one step back. Historically, Washington hasn't always supported Israel unconditionally, and we mustn't take its support for granted. We saw that in its latest abstention."

Q: This adds to the International Criminal Court.

"It's an absurdity. A scandal. A completely distorted situation. History will judge all those who twisted the truth."

Q: I think some of what you're saying also applies to the intellectual sphere and academia in particular. How did the academic establishment reach this point?

"It's something that's been brewing for a long time. I remember a lecture at a university in San Francisco ten years ago, and another at a Hillel organization in New York 15 years ago. Everything we're seeing today began taking shape back then. What students no longer understand is that even if there are two extreme right-wing ministers in Israel, even if Netanyahu wants to reform the Supreme Court – Israel itself still embodies the liberal values they're fighting for. I'll say it again: all the liberal and progressive values."

Q: But it's more than anti-Israel or anti-Zionist sentiment. It's antidemitism, and a profound sense of insecurity that Jews feel at prestigious institutions, in intellectual ivory towers, much of whose legacy and achievements were authored by Jews. What does that say about the world of learning?

"It's a bit like the question that was asked when the Weimar Republic collapsed. It was the place that represented the pinnacle of intellectualism, the place where Goethe lived and Hegel taught. It had all the symbols of the Enlightenment, of freedom of research and thought. It was the place to which Jewish science, knowledge, and research contributed greatly to its excellence. But then that place turned into an intellectual desert, led by the most racist sciences, the most delusional linguistic research, and Nazi stormtroopers. How could this happen? How did this regression occur? That's more or less the question we're asking ourselves today when we see these universities."

Q: It raises a somber question: Have the intellectuals betrayed us? Where is the Émile Zola of our time?

"I believe these intellectuals exist, but they're younger. Fortunately, they're here, they exist. I've seen the reactions to my book. My readers are young, and that's wonderful and encouraging."

Q: Still, they seem to be pushed to the margins. In today's reality, Jonathan Glazer and Judith Butler can freely speak out against Israel, while Israel supporters fear raising their voices.

"We need to look at it from both sides. Glazer has disgraced himself in the eyes of an entire group of artists in Hollywood. Butler gave a lecture at the Sorbonne but was then barred from giving her follow-up lectures. I'm trying to say there's an ideological war raging here, a fierce, stubborn war. The Jews and their friends are indeed at a disadvantage, but they haven't lost yet."

Q: It seems to be getting harder to draw a line between opposition to Israel or Zionism and antisemitism.

"It's not just hard – it's already impossible. It's the same thing. In other words, using a new word to say the same thing. In France, Jean-Luc Mélenchon's far-left party is at the forefront of this phenomenon. It's terrible to say it, even depressing, but it's the truth. Antisemitism has become a stream that stands on its own in Western political life."

Q: Students protesting not just in the US, but in France too. Even at institutions like the prestigious Sciences Po in Paris, which police had to storm to evacuate barricaded students. How is the French academic community receiving this?

"There's no doubt the academic world is worried, but all of France is watching this rout of the spirit. It's not a subversive spirit that has infiltrated the French workshops that produce the elite, because ultimately this subversive spirit is part of the existing order in France, part of the French tradition. The problem in this case is that it's stupid subversion, pitiable subversion that seduces people.

"In 1968, during the student protests, we were rebelling because of the Vietnam War, but we were still humanists. Our true aspiration was the liberation of mankind, and antisemitism, like terrorism, was forbidden. The central Maoist group of those years – the Proletarian Left – disbanded after the massacre of the Israeli athletes in Munich. In other words, the moment terrorism appeared. What we're seeing today is a caricature, a joke of what happened back then. And Judith Butler, compared to Michel Foucault, is a joke."

Q: What forces are shaping public opinion in France regarding Israel?

"There are two: From the left, as I said, it's the extremism of Mélenchon, the return of that old antisemitic socialist tradition that began with the Dreyfus Affair. But you also have a second tradition, from the right, that started with Archbishop Marcion in the second century.

"He was a divisive archbishop whose core belief boiled down to the idea that the new Christianity must uproot any remaining roots connecting it to Judaism. According to his doctrine, the great divide between Judaism and Christianity lies in the nature and character of God in each religion: the God of love for the Christians, the God of vengeance for the Jews.

"This division is idiotic. Marcion didn't take into account the fact that the Christian commandment to love stems directly from Moses' commandments. But this God, the God of vengeance, is what took root with Marcion. This view has persisted through the generations, despite Marcion's excommunication – and reemerges whenever we're told in various ways that Israel is taking a vengeful approach to Hamas.

"I was in Israel on October 7, I've visited since, and I've never heard anyone actually talk about revenge. Justice – yes. Freeing the captives – yes. Destroying Hamas' political and military capabilities – absolutely. But not revenge."

Q: It seems their future in France and around the world is uncertain.

"The future of Jews is not assured anywhere. Not in Europe, as we're seeing right now, and not in America, where we're discovering an antisemitism I long suspected existed, which has now exploded in the face of American Jews. But even in Israel, the future of Jews is not assured, as October 7 proved. This is our existential condition today."

Q: President Macron recently condemned some of the student protests, while in the same breath warning of "the death of Europe."

"Macron acted like a good republican president regarding the student support for terrorism. He said: Here, in France, there is no room for justifying mass murder. But when it comes to Europe, it's more complicated. It's an old idea we have in Europe, that we view Europe as a beautiful, good idea in its historical sense, one that was created by itself and which doesn't need to be dealt with, because it also develops naturally by itself. Macron said – no, Europe is an artificial creature that is by no means self-evident, and it can certainly collapse."

First line of defense

Q: This connects to another statement of his, that the possibility of France sending troops to Ukraine cannot be ruled out.

"Here too he was right. I've filmed three movies in Ukraine, in the combat zones, and I'm among those who believe that the defense of Europe is taking place there. The first line of European defense is on the Ukrainian front, and the implication is that all major European nations must be prepared for anything.

"Which is why I also believe we must defend Israel. Of course, because of everything connected to Western values, but there's another interest here: Our national defense, as the Americans say, is at stake. There will be no national security for France and nothing to stop terrorism if we don't stop Hamas in Gaza."

Q: It's hard not to see a certain similarity between Israel's geopolitical loneliness and that of France.

"I've said it many times, and showed it in my films. I interviewed IDF soldiers who went to fight alongside Zelenskyy's army from the very start of the invasion of Ukraine. You're right – it's the same war, the same problem in both cases, the same struggle for freedom against tyranny."

"I've said it many times, and showed it in my films. I interviewed IDF soldiers who went to fight alongside Zelenskyy's army from the very start of the invasion of Ukraine. You're right – it's the same war, the same problem in both cases, the same struggle for freedom against tyranny."

A lone soldier

Q: But let's return to the book. Why now, specifically?

"I was meant to write this book a long time ago. Is there a Jewish writer in Europe or America who wasn't destined to write such a book? That was my case. The tragedy of October 7 only expedited things."

Q: A friend told me this is Bernard-Henri Lévy's "J'Accuse."

"That's a great compliment to my book. I love Émile Zola very much. His 'J'Accuse' is a historical text, and even more so – it's the birth certificate of the intellectuals in France."

Q: He was specific. Whom are you accusing – and of what?

"Mélenchon, the 'Squad' – the farthest left wing of the Democratic Party in America – and all the bad lecturers teaching the wrong lesson to the world. The very many people that October 7 did not arouse compassion for the victims in, but rather – a wave of joy and hatred."

Q: You also have substantial criticism in the book of Israel's leadership and some of its ministers.

"That's the last chapter of my book, called 'If I Forget You, the Jewish Soul.' My main argument towards the extremist ministers in this government is that they've forgotten the beauty, the nobility, the fragility, and the strength of the Jewish soul."

Q: Still, I feel compelled to ask again – are we really alone?

"Yes, and I think this loneliness will grow. We need to get used to it – and resist it."

Q: How so?

"Through a change of thought, through learning, through defending Israel, and through not giving in to threats. We need to remind the world, and Israelis too, that Israel is not just a geographical area on the globe – it's also an area of the human spirit. It's not just a geographical terrain – it's also an ontological, existential category. If Israel disappears, all of that will disappear with it."

Q: In your arena, the intellectual field, don't you also feel a bit alone in defending Israel?

"Yes, sometimes. And to tell you the truth, it's a bit frightening."

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The recent image of a pro-Hamas student at George Washington University brandishing a poster calling for a "final solution" was horrifying. But it was also deeply ironic. Because on the very same campus in Washington, DC, where that Nazi slogan was invoked last month, actual Nazis were repeatedly welcomed in the years before World War II.

In October 1933, Gustav Struve, an official of Nazi Germany's embassy in Washington, spoke on the GW campus under the auspices of the university's German Club. In February 1934, Gerrit Von Haeften, Third Secretary of the German Embassy, visited GW to address the German Club's Valentine party. And in May 1937, two Nazi representatives, the wife and daughter of the German embassy's Chancellor, Franz Schulz, participated in an event on campus sponsored by GW's International Studies Society.

Friendly attitudes toward Nazi Germany appear to have permeated the campus. The visits by Nazi officials proceeded without any sign of objections or protests – unlike, for example, at Columbia University, where hundreds of students held multiple protest rallies when the Nazi ambassador, Hans Luther, was invited to that campus in 1933.

Both the German Club and the International Studies Society at GW held screenings of films that were "procured through the German Consul," according to the student newspaper, The GW Hatchet. At least one of the events also included displays of foreign flags; The GW Hatchet's coverage included a large image of Nazi Germany's swastika flag.

That was in April 1937, four years after Hitler came to power, after the Nazi regime's boycott of Jewish businesses, the nationwide book burnings, the Nazi takeover of German universities, the mass firing of Jews from most professions, and the mob violence against Jews in Berlin and elsewhere. It also was after the enactment of the Nuremberg Laws in 1935, which stripped German Jews of their citizenship.

Yet The GW Hatchet, which was published by the university, continued to run advertisements from the Nazi government's tourism department and touted upcoming summer tours by GW students to Europe that included visits to Nazi Germany. During those years, GW maintained a junior-year student exchange program with the Nazi-controlled University of Munich, despite the purging of Jewish faculty, implementation of a Nazi curriculum, and mass book-burning at the Munich school.

The Hitler regime viewed such exchanges with American universities as a way to soften the Nazis' image abroad. The Nazi official in charge of sending German students to American universities was quoted, in the New York Times, as describing the German students in such exchanges as "political soldiers of the Reich." But that did not deter GW from participating in the program.

GW was not the only American university to sponsor student exchanges with Nazified German universities, as Stephen Norwood documented in his book, "The Third Reich in the Ivory Tower." But not every American school with ties to Germany turned a blind eye when the Nazis rose to power and took over the country's universities. Williams College, for example, terminated its student exchanges with Germany as a protest against Nazi policies. GW did not.

Some GW students who spent a year at the University of Munich returned with upbeat reports about the new Germany. GW student Mary-Anne Greenough, for example, stated in a 1937 university newsletter that during her year in Germany, she attended the Nazis' celebration of the anniversary of Hitler's failed 1923 Beer Hall Putsch; she said she found the event "worthy of admiration."

Some GW faculty who visited Germany during the 1930s likewise came back with positive descriptions of the Nazi regime. Assistant Professor of Philosophy Christopher Garnett, returning from a visit to Germany in 1934, reported to the campus historical society that  the "optimism which permeated the Germans, even those who at first opposed the present regime, is almost unbelievable." Such apologetics whitewashed Nazi outrages and made Hitler more palatable to the American public.

The time has come for the GW administration to acknowledge that it was wrong for GW to invite Nazi representatives to campus and to maintain student exchanges with Nazi-controlled institutions. But that is not all.

In 1985, GW presented an honorary doctorate to Mircea Eliade, a noted scholar of comparative religion. Before Eliade was a scholar, he was a Nazi collaborator. During the 1930s, Eliade authored viciously antisemitic articles in the extremist Romanian periodical Cuvantul, raving about the alleged "Jewish onslaught" threatening Romania. He actively supported the fascist paramilitary group known as the Iron Guard, and when the Romanian government cracked down on Iron Guard activists in 1938, Eliade was among those whom it imprisoned.

After the Iron Guard came to power in 1940, Eliade was appointed as one of its diplomats in London. British officials privately called him "the most Nazi member of the legation." The Iron Guard regime actively collaborated in the mass murder of Romania's Jews. "Particularly gruesome," the US Holocaust Memorial Museum notes, "was the [Iron Guard's] murder of dozens of Jewish civilians in the Bucharest slaughterhouse. After the victims were killed, the perpetrators hung the bodies from meat hooks and mutilated them in a vicious parody of kosher slaughtering practices."

Eliade continued to defend the Iron Guard after the war, praising it in his 1963 autobiography. For some reason, that didn't deter GW from giving him an honorary doctorate in 1985. The time has come to revoke that honor.

Two years ago, public concern over racism in the United States prodded the George Washington University administration to remove the name of its longest-serving president, the late Cloyd Heck Marvin, from the student center because he advocated racial segregation. Last year, the administration changed the school's moniker from "colonials" to "revolutionaries" because of the many injustices associated with colonialism. GW should now show similar sensitivity to the concerns of its Jewish students and faculty.

Ninety years after actual Nazis were warmly welcomed at GW, extremist students on its campus today are invoking the infamous Nazi phrase "final solution" – meaning mass murder of Jews. That's a blatant violation of the GW Student Code of Conduct. Section V (F) prohibits "acting in a way that threatens, endangers, or harasses others, including verbal, written, or any other form of communication." Violators are subject to a range of possible punishments, from a warning to permanent expulsion. It's time for George Washington University to implement its own rules.

Acknowledging the error of GW's friendly attitude toward Nazi Germany in the 1930s, revoking Mircea Eliade's doctorate, and taking meaningful action against today's violators of the Student Code of Conduct is the path to restoring order, and decency, at George Washington University.

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The United States' decision to temporarily halt a large shipment of offensive weapons to Israel has drawn deep frustration from Israeli officials, according to an Israeli official who spoke to NBC News. This comes as the Biden administration raises concerns over a potential Israeli military offensive on Rafah and pushes for a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas terrorists.

While the Israeli military downplayed the dispute, stating allies resolve disagreements "behind closed doors," the official revealed significant tensions within the Israeli government. Frustrations were already running high after Israel felt blindsided by Hamas' announcement earlier this week that it had accepted a version of a ceasefire proposal brokered by Egypt and Qatar.

"There is deep frustration in the Israeli government over the decision," the official told NBC News, referring to the US halting the arms shipment. The shipment, which the White House paused last week over concerns the weaponry could be used in Rafah, included 1,800 2,000-pound bombs and 1,700 500-pound bombs. A senior US administration official stated the Biden team was "especially focused" on stopping Israel's use of 2,000-pound bombs in Gaza due to their devastating impact in dense urban areas.

Israel has a large existing arsenal, making it unlikely the halt alone could stop a Rafah offensive. However, it signifies rising tensions as the US began reviewing future military aid transfers to Israel in April amid worries the government was nearing a Rafah operation despite opposition from Biden, world leaders, and humanitarian groups.

As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu met CIA Director William Burns during his trip on Wednesday, the two allies remained divided on ceasefire terms. Hamas claimed to accept a proposal, but Israel said it fell "far from" meeting its demands.

The weapons shipment halt hints at growing US-Israel friction over the conflict. Families of hostages blocked highways in Tel Aviv on Wednesday, escalating pressure on Netanyahu to agree to a deal.

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The Israeli military said Wednesday that it has reopened the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza, a key terminal for the entry of humanitarian aid that was closed over the weekend after a Hamas rocket attack killed four Israeli soldiers nearby. An Israeli tank brigade seized the nearby Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt early Tuesday, and it remained closed, but that limited incursion does not appear to be the start of the full-scale invasion of the crowded southern city that Israel has repeatedly promised.

The looming operation threatens to widen a rift between Israel and its main backer, the United States, which says it is concerned over the fate of around 1.3 million Palestinians crammed into Rafah, most of whom fled fighting elsewhere. Israel says Rafah is Hamas' last stronghold and that a wider offensive there is needed to dismantle the group's military and governing capabilities. The US paused a shipment of bombs to Israel last week over concerns that Israel was approaching a decision on launching a full-scale assault on Rafah, a senior Biden administration official said Tuesday.

The US, Egypt, and Qatar are meanwhile ramping up efforts to close the gaps in a possible agreement for at least a temporary cease-fire and the release of some of the scores of Israeli hostages still held by Hamas. Israel has linked the threatened Rafah operation to the fate of those negotiations. The Rafah crossing has been a vital conduit for humanitarian aid since the start of the war and is the only place where people can enter and exit. Israel now controls all of Gaza's border crossings for the first time since it withdrew troops and settlers from the territory nearly two decades ago, though it has maintained a blockade with Egypt's cooperation for most of that time.

Associated Press journalists heard sporadic explosions and gunfire in the area of the Rafah crossing overnight, including two large blasts early Wednesday. The Israeli military reported six launches from Rafah toward the Kerem Shalom crossing on Tuesday. Gaza's Health Ministry meanwhile said at least 46 patients and wounded people who had been scheduled to leave Tuesday for medical treatment have been left stranded.

UN agencies and aid groups have ramped up humanitarian assistance in recent weeks as Israel has lifted some restrictions and opened an additional crossing in the north under pressure from the United States, its closest ally. But aid workers say the closure of Rafah, which is the only gateway for the entry of fuel for trucks and generators, could have severe repercussions.

The UN says northern Gaza is already in a state of "full-blown famine." The war began when Hamas breached Israel's defenses on Oct. 7 and swept through nearby army bases and farming communities, murdering some 1,200 people, mostly civilians, and abducting another 250. Hamas is still believed to be holding around 100 hostages and the remains of more than 30 others after most of the rest were released during a November cease-fire.

Biden has repeatedly warned Netanyahu against launching an invasion of Rafah. But Netanyahu's far-right coalition partners have threatened to bring down his government if he calls off an offensive or makes too many concessions in the cease-fire talks.

The US has historically provided Israel enormous amounts of military aid, which has only accelerated since the start of the war. The paused shipment was supposed to consist of 1,800 2,000-pound (900-kilogram) bombs and 1,700 smaller ones, with the US concern focused on how the larger bombs could be used in a dense urban setting, according to the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive matter. The official said no final decision had been made yet on proceeding with the shipment.

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The US paused a shipment of bombs to Israel last week over concerns that Israel was approaching a decision on launching a full-scale assault on the southern Gaza city of Rafah against the wishes of the US, a senior administration official said Tuesday.

The shipment was supposed to consist of 1,800 2,000-pound (900-kilogram) bombs and 1,700 500-pound (225-kilogram) bombs, according to the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive matter, with the focus of US concern being the larger explosives and how they could be used in a dense urban setting. More than 1 million civilians are sheltering in Rafah after evacuating other parts of Gaza amid Israel's war on Hamas, which came after the terrorist group's deadly attack on Israel on Oct. 7.

The US has historically provided enormous amounts of military aid for Israel. That has only accelerated in the aftermath of Hamas' Oct. 7 attack that killed some 1,200 in Israel and led to about 250 being taken captive by terrorists. The pausing of the aid shipment is the most striking manifestation of the growing daylight between  Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government and the administration of President Joe Biden, which has called on Israel to do far more to protect the lives of innocent civilians in Gaza. Biden's administration in April began reviewing future transfers of military assistance as Netanyahu's government appeared to move closer toward an invasion of Rafah, despite months of opposition from the White House. The official said the decision to pause the shipment was made last week and no final decision had been made yet on whether to proceed with the shipment at a later date. US officials had declined for days to comment on the halted transfer, word of which came as Biden on Tuesday described US support for Israel as "ironclad, even when we disagree."

Press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre declined to square the arms holdup with Biden's rhetoric in support of Israel, saying only, "Two things could be true." Israeli troops on Tuesday seized control of Gaza's vital Rafah border crossing in what the White House described as a limited operation that stopped short of the full-on Israeli invasion of the city that Biden has repeatedly warned against on humanitarian grounds, most recently in a Monday call with Netanyahu. Israel has ordered the evacuation of 100,000 Palestinians from the city. Israeli forces have also carried out what it describes as "targeted strikes" on the eastern part of Rafah and captured the Rafah crossing, a critical conduit for the flow of humanitarian aid along the Gaza-Egypt border. Privately, concern has mounted inside the White House about what's unfolding in Rafah, but publicly administration officials have stressed that they did not think the operations had defied Biden's warnings against a widescale operation in the city.

White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said Israel described the operation along the Gaza-Egypt border in eastern Rafah as "an operation of limited scale and duration" aimed at cutting off Hamas arms smuggling, but also said the US would monitor the fighting. Just last month, Congress passed a $95 billion national security bill that included funding for Ukraine, Israel, and other allies. The package included more than $14 billion in military aid for Israel, though the stalled transfer was not related to that measure.

The State Department is separately considering whether to approve the continued transfer of Joint Direct Attack Munition kits, which place precision guidance systems onto bombs, to Israel, but the review didn't pertain to imminent shipments. The US dropped the 2,000-pound bomb sparingly in its long war against the Islamic State militant group. Israel, by contrast, has used the bomb frequently in the seven-month Gaza war. The US-Israel relationship has been close through both Democratic and Republican administrations. But there have been other moments of deep tension since the founding in which US leaders have threatened to hold up aid in attempt to sway Israeli leadership.

President Dwight Eisenhower pressured Israel with the threat of sanctions into withdrawing from the Sinai in 1957 in the midst of the Suez Crisis. Ronald Reagan delayed the delivery of F16 fighter jets to Israel at a time of escalating violence in the Middle East. President George H.W. Bush held up $10 billion in loan guarantees to force the cessation of Israeli settlement activity in the territories.

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