In a moment of mischievous humor last Saturday night, Avigdor Liberman suggested to opposition leaders that their next meeting be held at his home in the Nokdim settlement. "I actually spent a lot of time there during my army service," Yair Golan noted in response.

Either way, wherever it takes place, it's doubtful a photo will emerge from it, and it's fair to assume that this will be Naftali Bennett's condition for the meeting he is expected to attend next week. For Bennett, a photo with the left-wing Yair Golan is like Benjamin Netanyahu being photographed with Itamar Ben Gvir before the last elections: a political partner, yes; a partner for a single photo? Absolutely not.

But the odd man out at this meeting will actually be Benny Gantz. His statement last week could turn out to be a pivotal moment in the elections. First, on the personal level, until now he was the lame son of the "change bloc," the one failing to pass the electoral threshold and therefore likely to be forced to drop out.

But now he has detached himself from the bloc and its pressures. He has a different audience, and no obligation to crown Bennett or Gadi Eisenkot as prime minister. And he has all the time in the world — perhaps even a year — to scrape together the fraction of a percent he needs to cross the threshold. According to estimates, the "unity government" camp, made up of both the anti-Bibi crowd and those opposed to the "Just Not Bibi" pack, counts for about 20 of the Knesset's 120 seats. Indeed, it's not far-fetched to think that Gantz could pick up the one extra mandate he's missing.

On the strategic level, this declaration is no less important. Netanyahu cannot run on a platform of breaking away from the ultra-Orthodox or Ben Gvir. Liberman, Golan and Yair Lapid have long locked themselves in with vows and bans against joining Netanyahu (though they've yet to match the level of former Labor leader Amir Peretz, who, like in an ancient shamanic ritual, shaved his mustache while taking the oath).

That leaves Bennett and Eisenkot. Bennett, in an interview in June, answered with a single "correct" when asked if he'd refuse to sit under Netanyahu, but observers paid more attention to the three minutes of evasiveness that preceded it. He doesn't want to say more, so as not to anger voters on the right or lose voters on the left. Eisenkot, meanwhile, has yet to state his position outright, but it can be assumed he'll sharpen his stance once he decides who to ally with.

Another issue looms: many polls suggest no decisive outcome. In that case, many voters may ask whether a unity government is preferable to an endless caretaker government of Ben Gvir, Bezalel Smotrich, and the ultra-Orthodox. As has happened time and again in recent years, we are presented with an upside-down world: voters are far more moderate and unity-minded than most of their leaders.

Party judgment

Two men have launched legal proceedings in the past year against former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant. The first is International Criminal Court Prosecutor Karim Khan. The second is Likud activist Rami Ben-Yehuda, known for his tirades.

The party's internal tribunal will discuss next week a petition to expel Gallant from Likud. The reasons: his warning about the security risks of continuing the judicial reform, which led to his first dismissal; his "oppositional politics toward the prime minister" due to his support for returning the Palestinian Authority to Gaza; and his call for a broader draft law for the ultra-Orthodox.

Gallant has no intention of backing down without a fight. Unlike in the past, he's unlikely to run in the next primaries. But contrary to rumors, he doesn't plan to leave Likud. He will likely try to run for party leadership in the post-Netanyahu era, when Likud will have to decide if it's more nationalist than liberal, or more liberal than nationalist.

Gallant isn't expected to apologize for his stances on the hostages and the ultra-Orthodox, either. He will likely repeat what he has already said in faction meetings: that Likud is heir to Menachem Begin's politics, not Ben Gvir's.

An unexpected boost for the former defense minister came last week in a letter sent to the tribunal's presiding judge by former MK Uriel Lynn, a longtime party man. "Anyone holding a state office must not act with blind obedience," he wrote. "He bears personal responsibility for his organization's actions, and is supposed to serve the entire country, not just the party. Differences of opinion with the prime minister are entirely legitimate."

Lynn also added a historical reminder: "In the past, Likud knew how to handle a decision not to obey the party central committe. The center voted 70 percent against direct-election reform, claiming it endangered Likud. But when I brought that bill to the Knesset plenum, MK Benjamin Netanyahu was the only member of the party who stuck to his support and voted for it. The party accepted this with understanding, and that spirit should apply again this time."

Indeed, Likud did not expel Tally Gotliv, who defied the faction in the judicial appointments committee vote and helped elect the opposition's representative. Neither did it expel those who voted for the Gaza disengagement, against the outcome of the party referendum. Nothing will happen if it leaves Gallant's political future in the hands of party members as well.

The Chinese Wall

"China and Israel are nations with thousands of years of history," Netanyahu boasted a few years ago at China's National Day ceremony in the ambassador's residence. In that sense, it seems only a moment has passed since that unprecedented high point in relations.

Two years ago, at the peak of the Biden administration's boycott of him, Netanyahu announced he would make an official visit to Beijing. Officially, he said this was coordinated with the Americans and would not harm ties with Washington. In practice, it was a clear signal: if you keep undermining us, we have other strategic anchors. When China's vice president visited Israel, Netanyahu proudly noted that Israel was one of the few countries whose leader attended both the American and Chinese independence celebrations.

Well, not anymore. It wasn't a slip of the tongue last week when Netanyahu named China and Qatar as two of the world's greatest producers of antisemitism and anti-Israel sentiment. He said it once at the Finance Ministry, and repeated it that evening at the Foreign Ministry: "Israel is under a media siege from the West, funded by vast sums of money from Qatar, and from countries like China."

Everyone knows about the money Qatar invests. But what about China? The reference is to TikTok and its algorithm. Officially, the app is privately owned, but in China such a thing doesn't really exist. In Israel, TikTok's algorithm alone is blamed for damage on par with two foreign armies. It has trapped Western youth into a worldview where Israel is the villain and Hamas the hero. I tried a short experiment this week: I opened a video on Gaza — three minutes later, my whole feed had turned genocidal.

Not everyone at the top liked this new front. "Do we really need another battlefield in this war — to take on China too?" a senior diplomatic official asked this week. He noted that if TikTok is such a problem, it could be raised in the ongoing talks between Israel's and China's foreign ministers. After all, on the front marked most important, there have been gains: the Iranians feel completely abandoned by Beijing during and after Operation Rising Lion, with weapons supplies and oil imports far less than the ayatollahs expected.

Perhaps this is a gift to President Trump. In a divided Washington, where each party has its own weather forecast, the only bipartisan consensus is hatred of China. Israel has nearly halted the infrastructure deals with China that were so common here a decade ago, and the Shin Bet has already warned Israelis against trading sensitive security information with Beijing. Perhaps this is Israel's way of signaling to Trump: you're with us, and we're with you.

Sudden longing

It took unusual stamina to sit through the long ceremony in the Supreme Court last Thursday. For more than two hours, farewell speeches were delivered for Justice Yosef Elron, retiring at age 70. And yet, not a bird chirped as one speaker after another repeated the same points, recalled the same rulings, and offered the same praise. Only one, former Justice Minister Moshe Nissim, protested loudly when Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara's speech neared the half-hour mark without any sign of ending.

Still, it was a fascinating event. Usually, such teary eulogies are saved for funerals, when the deceased cannot complain about hypocrisy. Here, Elron had to exercise almost superhuman restraint not to interrupt. Even Supreme Court President Yitzhak Amit, Elron's sworn enemy, offered him praise, asserting that "Justice Elron's unique voice was clearly evident in his rulings, enriching his judicial writing and adding depth to his decisions."

Indeed, Amit's praise was almost grand enough to forget that it was precisely his personal hatred for Elron that saw him drag the entire Supreme Court into a months-long battle to block his appointment, in favor of the other candidate, Ron Sokol. In the end, only the insistence of ministers Moshe Kahlon and Ayelet Shaked — both of whom also attended the ceremony — secured Elron's seat.

And therein lies the court's problem: whenever criticized for lacking diversity and intellectual variety, they point to names like Noam Sohlberg, Yosef Elron, David Mintz, and others. But if it had been up to the justices alone, as it was before the law changed in 2007, those justices would have only seen the Supreme Court as petitioners or on guided tours. The court is not a family; it's a crucial arena of power struggles and passions. Elron, one of only two Mizrahi justices on the bench, made a huge contribution to its diversity.

When he was appointed, newspapers were filled with anonymous smears about his political ties and his lack of fitness for the role. Now, they already miss him. My sense is that when the next round of appointments comes, they'll miss him even more.

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State Party leader Benny Gantz issued a strong warning on Sunday during a Washington conference, stating that Israel must be prepared to take military action in its northern region if a hostage deal is not reached soon. Gantz highlighted the urgency of the situation and the potential for escalation in the ongoing regional conflict.

At the The Middle East – America Dialogue Summit (MEAD) on Sunday night, Gantz shared his views during an interview with Dan Senor, author and host of the "Call Me Back" podcast, discussing the role of diplomacy in the Middle East. "The time for action in the north has come, and we are late on this – and we should seek to have a deal to get our hostages out, but if we cannot get it in the coming time, I would say – I won't limit it to days or few weeks or whatever it is – we should go up north and take care, and make sure we can get our people back to their homes, I don't think we should delay it anymore," Gantz said.

Video: Gantz speaking about a war with Hezbollah / Credit: MEAD

"This war has shown that we need to increase military, diplomatic, and economic pressure on Iran, and that we cannot accept an agreement that only addresses nuclear issues but must also include restrictions on funding and operating proxies."

Gantz acknowledged that the large-scale evacuation of the northern population was a mistake, "We should have only evacuated the communities and kibbutzim right next to the border. I am also responsible for this decision, which stemmed from the insecurity we experienced at the beginning of the war."

On the Gaza war, Gantz said, "Real victory means returning the hostages to their families and residents to their homes. This is the foundation of victory. It will take another decade of operational activity in Gaza to prevent Hamas from rebuilding its power. We will operate in Gaza as we do in Judea and Samaria. I advocated for earlier action in Rafah and conveyed this to the Americans during my March visit."

Gantz identified Iran as the root of regional problems. "While Hezbollah poses an operational threat, we must remember that Iran is the core issue. Look at the situations in Iraq, Yemen, and Lebanon. Achieving real victory isn't just about resolving the Hamas issue and recovering hostages; it's about forming a regional alliance against the Iranian axis that has established terror cells around us.

"Iran is involved in almost every conflict, from supplying UAVs to Russia for use in Ukraine to supporting terrorism in Sudan and Algeria. The prospect of Iran with nuclear capabilities is concerning. We must maintain pressure on Iran – not just militarily, but economically and politically with great intensity. This is a global responsibility. Any future nuclear deal must address enrichment and launch capabilities and impose severe restrictions on funding and operating proxies. Iran presents a global and regional challenge, not just an Israeli concern."

On regional diplomacy, Gantz said, "I hope we can develop regional partnerships, partly through events like MEAD. Expanding our relationship with Saudi Arabia, a key Arab nation, could yield mutual benefits in security, economy, science, and other areas."

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A wave of anger swept through Israel's government on Monday as ministers learned of the release of Muhammad Abu Salmiya, the director of Gaza's Al-Shifa Hospital, along with 50 other detainees. The decision, apparently made without cabinet approval, has sparked a heated debate within the government about security protocols and prisoner management during the ongoing conflict.

The Al-Shifa Hospital, the largest in Gaza, was one of the main terror hubs used by Hamas during and after Oct. 7, and it is where some of the hostages were taken by the terrorists. Israel Hayom recently reported that the IDF was close to carrying out a mission to free hostages from the compound at the start of the conflict, but ultimately the IDF Chief of Staf Herzi Halevi decided not to give a green light for various reasons.

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In a somber announcement on Sunday evening, Benny Gantz, chairman of the State Party and member of the War Cabinet, declared that he and his party are withdrawing from the coalition government that was formed after the Oct. 7 massacare. Among other things, he said that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu "is preventing us from advancing towards true victory, which is the justification for the painful and prolonged cost."

"To ensure a true victory, it is fitting that in the fall, a year after the disaster, we hold elections after which a government that will gain the people's trust and can face the challenges will be formed. I call on Netanyahu: set an agreed election date. Don't let our people be torn apart."

The minister also called on "Knesset members in the coalition who understand where we are heading" to heed their conscience. Gantz personally addressed Defense Minister Yoav Gallant: "Yoav, we have known each other for many years. Even when there were tensions between us, I always respected and appreciated you. In this war – I learned to appreciate you even more. You are a brave and determined leader and above all - a patriot. At this time, leadership and courage are not just saying what is right – but doing what is right."

"After October 7, as hundreds of thousands of Israelis did, we stepped up to the plate. We did this despite and because we knew it was a bad government. The people of Israel, the fighters, the commanders, the families of those murdered, fallen, and kidnapped – needed unity and backing, like air to breathe.

"Therefore, we formed an emergency government out of shared fate, not out of political partnership. Months after the October calamity, the situation in the country and in the decision-making room has changed. Netanyahu and his partners have turned unity into an impassioned call – without basis in reality. Fateful strategic decisions are met with hesitation and procrastination due to political considerations. Honestly, entering the government was a simple decision. Leaving, when our hostages are in Hamas tunnels, when residents of the north are far from their homes, and thousands of fighters are at the front – this is a complex and agonizing decision. Both decisions have one common denominator: the good of the State of Israel.

"We tried to influence the direction of the ship in closed rooms. The truth is: the reality is not simple – the campaign will last for years. I won't promise you an easy and quick victory. You deserve more than empty promises. But the State of Israel needs and can achieve a true victory. True victory puts bringing the hostages home above survival in power. Unfortunately, Netanyahu is preventing us from advancing towards true victory, which is the justification for the painful and prolonged cost.

"We must also establish a state commission of inquiry that will examine the internal failures and defend us against the hypocritical attacks from outside. I call on all party leaders and all forces in the public arena, from Right and Left, religious and secular, to unite behind me in this journey. We all need to act as one for elections after which we will form a unity government – Zionist, national, and stately – a true unity government.

"There are those who say that we helped Netanyahu when we entered the government – he is not the issue – but the State of Israel. I know they say I'm not a deceiver, hater, and unscrupulous like my opponents. True, but I can promise you one thing - I'm willing to die for your children.

In a somber announcement on Sunday evening, Benny Gantz, chairman of the National Unity Party and member of the war cabinet, declared that he and his party are withdrawing from the coalition government. Among other things, he said that Prime Minister Netanyahu "is preventing us from advancing towards true victory, which is the justification for the painful and prolonged cost."

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Benny Gantz, the leader of the State Party and a member of Israel's War Cabinet, was set to announce his party's withdrawal from the unity government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, calling a news conference for Sunday evening. This move comes after Gantz issued an ultimatum in May demanding a clear post-war plan for Gaza by June 8, which the government has failed to present.

Gantz's six-point plan outlined a vision for the governance of Gaza after the conflict, including the release of Israeli captives, demilitarization of the territory, and the formation of an international coalition to oversee its civil affairs. He insisted that neither Hamas nor the Palestinian Authority could rule Gaza post-war and called for the complete dismantling of Hamas's military wing, echoing Netanyahu's calls for "total victory."

The lack of a coherent post-war strategy has fueled tensions within the war cabinet, with Defense Minister Yoav Gallant also publicly disagreeing with Netanyahu on the future of Gaza. The US government has expressed concern over the absence of a clear plan and urged Israel to protect civilians and present a credible vision for Gaza's future.

Netanyahu is facing mounting public pressure, with tens of thousands of protesters gathering in Tel Aviv, demanding his resignation due to his handling of the war and failure to secure the release of the remaining 120 captives. Opposition Leader Yair Lapid has pledged to work towards the fall of Netanyahu's government and the return of the captives. Families of the captives have also called on Gantz and former army chief Gadi Eisenkot to expose the truth and swiftly remove Netanyahu from power, believing he is abandoning the hostages.

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The Israeli military estimates that the operation in Rafah will be completed within a few weeks, effectively by the end of the month. The army believes that the action in Rafah is "progressing and precise," and by the month's end, the military will have realized its planned objectives in the area to the fullest extent, with a focus on the underground infrastructure in Rafah and the Philadelphi Axis running along the border with Egypt. Concurrently, operations continue in the central Gaza Strip and other parts, with the army indicating that the goal of operationally and professionally overcoming Hamas brigades is drawing closer.

With the conclusion of the intensive operation in Rafah, decisions will need to be made regarding the continuation of combat – both in the Gaza Strip and along the northern border. The IDF believes that decisions must be taken concerning the northern border, and at the very least, the events in the north should be incorporated into the war objectives, as operations on the ground are derived from these objectives.

The military is preparing in utmost seriousness for a campaign in the north but rightly argues that even a war in the north will end with an agreement, and it is necessary to assess whether such an agreement can be reached without warfare. In any case, the IDF clarifies that the expansion of the reserve call-up approval from 300,000 to 350,000 is unrelated to the north but rather an extension of the existing 300,000 reserve quota, with an additional 50,000 reservists due to the prolonged operation in Rafah.

Meanwhile, the IDF is preparing to present its war investigations starting next month, in the first week of July. The investigations have been divided into "clusters," with the first investigation to be presented concerning the development of the concept of operations against Gaza, beginning in 2018, when the border protest events commenced.

The IDF estimates that in the context of additional investigations conducted at the national level – such as those by the State Comptroller's Office or a potential state commission of inquiry – years prior may be examined. It is expected that the investigations into the concept of operations will be presented over six to eight weeks, depending on the progression of the war.

Another "cluster" of investigations will focus on the battles that took place in towns and kibbutzim, and these will be presented according to their readiness. The first investigation to be presented will likely be the investigation into the battle of Kibbutz Be'eri in the second week of July. Additionally, a separate chapter will be dedicated to the investigation of the night between October 6 and 7.

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Benny Gantz, a centrist member of Israel's three-member War Cabinet, issued an ultimatum on Saturday, threatening to resign from the government if it doesn't adopt a new plan within three weeks for the ongoing conflict in Gaza.

This move would leave Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu more reliant on far-right allies. The announcement deepens the divide in Israel's leadership more than seven months into the war, in which Israel has yet to accomplish its stated goals of dismantling Hamas and securing the return of scores of hostages abducted in the militant group's October 7 attack.

Gantz's six-point Plan

Gantz spelled out a six-point plan that includes the return of hostages, ending Hamas' rule, demilitarizing the Gaza Strip, and establishing an international administration of civilian affairs with American, European, Arab, and Palestinian cooperation. The plan also supports efforts to normalize relations with Saudi Arabia and widen military service to all Israelis. He gave a June 8 deadline, warning, "If you choose the path of fanatics and lead the entire nation to the abyss – we will be forced to quit the government."

Netanyahu's response

Netanyahu, in a statement reported by Israeli media, responded by saying Gantz had chosen to issue an ultimatum to the prime minister instead of to Hamas and called his conditions "euphemisms" for Israel's defeat.

Gantz, a longtime political rival of Netanyahu, joined his coalition and the War Cabinet in the early days of the war in a gesture of national unity. His departure would leave Netanyahu even more beholden to far-right allies who take a hard line on negotiations over a ceasefire and hostage release, and who believe Israel should maintain control over Gaza and rebuild Jewish settlements there.

The announcement comes a day after the bodies of three hostages were announced as recovered in a daring operation in Gaza. On Saturday, another name was announced: The body of Ron Benjamin was recovered in Gaza in the operation, adding to the anguish felt by many Israelis over the hostages.

Netanyahu is under growing pressure on multiple fronts, with hard-liners wanting the military offensive on Gaza's southernmost city of Rafah to press ahead, while the US and others have warned against such an offensive and threatened to scale back support over Gaza's humanitarian and hunger crisis.

Many Israelis, accusing Netanyahu of putting political interests ahead of all else, want a deal to stop the fighting and secure the release of hostages. Thousands of Israelis again rallied on Saturday evening to demand a deal along with new elections. The latest talks in pursuit of a ceasefire in Gaza, mediated by Qatar, the United States, and Egypt, have brought little progress. A vision beyond the war is also uncertain, with Gantz and Netanyahu differing on the future of Gaza's governance.

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The United States is expected to impose sanctions as soon as Monday on an Israeli military unit over allegations of human rights abuses against Palestinians, marking an unprecedented move that has drawn fierce condemnation from Israeli leaders.

While US officials have not named the unit, Israeli media has identified it as the Netzah Yehuda battalion, comprised of ultra-Orthodox Jewish soldiers. The sanctions would be the first ever imposed by the US on an Israeli military unit.

The expected decision could further strain relations between the two allies, which have become increasingly tense during Israel's ongoing war against Hamas terrorist organization in Gaza.

"If anyone thinks they can impose sanctions on a unit in the IDF, I will fight it with all my might," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said.  He was joined by other top officials in denouncing the anticipated US move, especially during active warfare including former military chief and current member of the War Cabinet Benny Gantz. The minister alerted US Secretary of State Antony Blinken that the emerging decision regarding the sanctions was a mistake, saying there was no justification for it since Israel has a strong and independent judicial system.

Netzah Yehuda, which means "Judea Forever" in Hebrew, has been based in the West Bank, where it makes up a small part of Israel's military force. Some members have faced allegations of abusing Palestinians over the years.

The unit drew heavy criticism from Washington last year after the death of Omar Assad, a 78-year-old Palestinian-American man who died shortly after being detained at a West Bank checkpoint. While the US called for accountability, an Israeli investigation found no grounds for criminal charges, since military investigators stated they couldn't directly link the soldiers' actions to Assad's death. 

According to Gadi Shamni, a former Israeli general who previously commanded military forces in the West Bank, a major issue with the unit was its permanent activity solely in that area. He noted levels of violence involving settlers and Palestinians have sharply increased in the West Bank over recent years. Shamni stated that, unlike Netzah Yehuda, other military units are regularly rotated in and out of the volatile region. However, Shamni argued that it would have been preferable to take disciplinary action against specific soldiers or commanders instead of the unit as a whole.

 Blinken, Defending the expected move against the unit, said on Friday that the anticipated sanctions follow reviews by the US of several Israeli military units over potential violations of the Leahy Law, which prohibits foreign assistance to forces implicated in human rights abuses. 

But top Israeli officials pushed back forcefully. Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said penalizing the unit could "cast a shadow over the entire Israeli military" and lamented to the US ambassador "that's not the way to behave with partners and friends."

Former Prime Minister Yair Lapid, now the opposition leader, called the sanctions "a mistake" and said "we must act to cancel them." He argued, "The source of the problem is not at the military level but at the political level."

With Israeli officials vowing not to accept the U.S. rebuke quietly, the coming days could see an extraordinarily tense moment in relations between the closest allies in the Middle East.

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The US and its allies planned fresh sanctions against Iran over its unprecedented attack on Israel, seeking to dissuade Israel from a major escalation as its war cabinet was set to meet for a third time on Wednesday to decide a response.

While Saturday night's attack caused no deaths and little damage thanks to the air defenses and countermeasures of Israel and its allies, it has increased fears that violence rooted in the six-month-old Gaza war is spreading, with the risk of open war between long-time adversaries Iran and Israel.

Israel's military chief of staff Herzi Halevi had promised Iran's launch of more than 300 missiles, cruise missiles, and drones at Israeli territory "will be met with a response", but gave no details. An Israeli government source said the war cabinet session scheduled for Tuesday had been put off until Wednesday, without elaborating. Hoping to steer Israel away from massive retaliation, the US and Europe flagged a toughening of economic and political sanctions against Iran.

The US is planning to impose new sanctions targeting Iran's missile and drone program in the coming days and expects its allies will be following suit, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan said in a statement on Tuesday. Earlier, Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said the US would use sanctions, and work with allies, to keep disrupting Iran's "malign and destabilizing activity".

She told a news conference in Washington that all options to disrupt Iran's "terrorist financing" were on the table, and she expected further sanctions against Iran to be announced soon. European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, speaking in Brussels after an emergency video conference of EU foreign ministers, said some member states had asked for sanctions against Iran to be expanded and that the bloc's diplomatic service would begin working on the proposal.

Borrell said the proposal would expand a sanctions regime that seeks to curb the supply of Iranian drones to Russia so that it would also include the provision of missiles and could also cover deliveries to Iranian proxies in the Middle East. Israeli Foreign Minister Israel Katz said he was "leading a diplomatic attack", writing to 32 countries to ask them to place sanctions on Iran's missile program and follow Washington in proscribing its dominant military force, the Revolutionary Guard Corps, as a terrorist group.

Iran launched the attack in retaliation for an airstrike on its embassy compound in Damascus on April 1 attributed to Israel but has signaled that it now deems the matter closed. President Joe Biden told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the weekend that the United States, Israel's main protector, would not participate in an Israeli counter-strike.

British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak told Netanyahu in a call on Tuesday that escalation in the Middle East was in nobody's interest and would only worsen insecurity in the region, so it was "a moment for calm heads to prevail", Sunak's office said. Japan Foreign Minister Yoko Kamikawa "strongly urged Israel to exercise restraint" during a call with her Israeli counterpart Israel Katz on Tuesday evening, according to a readout of the call issued by Japan's foreign ministry.

The prospect of Israeli retaliation has alarmed many Iranians already enduring economic pain and tighter social and political controls since major protests in 2022-23. Since the war in Gaza began in October, clashes have erupted between Israel and Iran-aligned groups based in Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iraq.

I

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Consensus exists in the War Cabinet that a response against Iran is needed following its unprecedented attack on Israel Saturday night. As of Sunday, Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi advocate for an immediate response to the Iranian attack, arguing that legitimacy will diminish over time.

While agreeing a retaliation is essential, Minister Benny Gantz believes it's unnecessary to strike immediately. Gantz suggests waiting while considering all aspects involved, including a desire to unleash the potential in the international coalition formed for strategic-diplomatic gains against Iran.

An Israeli official said: "Before the attack, the prime minister established that anyone who harms Israel would be harmed, and this principle still stands. Our defense is not deterrence; Iran will suffer a blow it cannot prevent. The question is when. Now, it's the Iranian's turn to do some nail biting."

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