Prosecutors in Paris demanded sentences of up to one year suspended prison and fines of up to 8,000 euros ($8,976) for ten defendants charged with online sexual harassment of the first lady.

Auzière, 41, testified in court that the unfounded claims about her mother's gender caused a "deterioration" in her health. "She has to constantly pay attention to what she wears, how she stands, because she knows her image might be distorted," Auzière said. Auzière added that Brigitte's grandchildren suffer harassment at school because of this.

Auzière testified that "it's important for her to be here to present the damage caused" to her mother, adding that she "wants to tell what her life has become from the moment these attacks began." Auzière said her mother "wasn't elected and didn't ask for this, and found herself under attack."

Claims that Brigitte Macron was born male have circulated since her husband's election to the presidency in 2017, mainly by far-right circles and conspiracy theory supporters in France and the US. The first lady filed a complaint in August 2024 that led to an investigation and arrests in December 2024 and February 2025.

Ten defendants – eight men and two women, ages 41 to 60 – will be tried in a Paris criminal court, charged with sexually harassing Brigitte Macron. Two additional defendants, residents of Corsica, are charged not only with online harassment but also with exploiting a loophole in the French tax system to change Brigitte's name to a male name as part of the effort to spread the conspiracy theory.

Parallel to the Paris trial, the Macrons filed a defamation lawsuit in the US in July against Candace Owens, a far-right podcast host known for spreading wild conspiracies and anti-Israel propaganda. Owens produced a series called "Becoming Brigitte" and, in March 2024, said she was willing to bet "all her professional credibility" that Brigitte Macron was born male.

According to the Macrons' American attorney, they plan to present photographic and "scientific" evidence in court proving the first lady is a woman.

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However, beyond a pompous concluding statement that forcefully condemned the acts of terror and called for international cooperation to eradicate this violent and grave threat to Israel's security and regional stability, the wave of Hamas terror renewed with all its might and cruelty, sowing murder and destruction in Israel. Thus, the dream of the meeting's architects to cultivate a more reconciled and terror-free regional environment solely through rhetorical and declarative means vanished in fire and smoke.

Nearly three decades since that stinging and resounding failure, it brings up from the abyss of oblivion and forgetfulness the pathetic and naive attempt by Britain and France in 1928 to outlaw the use of war through a toothless document and enforcement mechanisms (the Kellogg-Briand Pact).

Sharm el-Sheikh once again became the focus of mediation efforts, designed to end the fighting in Gaza and ensure, with the help of tools and mechanisms to be established later on, that the same violent and extremist Hamas would be removed and excluded from the centers of control, influence, and the military infrastructure it established. And this time, it would be done effectively and long-term, unlike the failed initiative of 1996.

Indeed, while the 1996 Sharm el-Sheikh conference featured colorful scenery but yielded no results, this time the quiet contacts held in Sharm el-Sheikh produced a dramatic agreement for a ceasefire and the release of all the hostages (Phase A of President Donald Trump's settlement plan), which was signed on October 9, 2025, between Israel and Hamas, brokered by the US, Egypt, Turkey, and Qatar.

The uniqueness of the agreement (even though it does not include agreements regarding all the patterns and details of the implementation of the next phases of the president's plan), which succeeded in bringing about a cessation of fire after two years of a difficult campaign, is rooted in the conduct and behavioral patterns of the American super-mediator, who demonstrated creative and resolute leadership, out-of-the-box thinking beyond traditional diplomatic frameworks, and a readiness to make optimal use, at the right time, of all the levers of pressure and influence at his disposal.

While the diplomatic virtuoso, Henry Kissinger, preferred to obscure or blur the final goal of his mediation efforts, and instead proceed using a slow and gradual method toward realizing his settlement vision, the 47th president Donald Trump presented the goal of ending the war (and not just achieving a ceasefire agreement) as his central objective from the outset.

Furthermore, in his diplomatic activity in the arena, the 47th president created a completely new model of a super-mediator, overshadowing even the legendary Henry Kissinger in his level of sophistication and originality. While the former US Secretary of State acted not only as an effective mediator but also as a factor that rewarded the parties during the mediation he led on the way to the interim agreement he achieved between Israel and Egypt in September 1975, Donald Trump demonstrated his full prowess last week by not settling for traditional and direct mediation, but by granting a package of incentives and perks to the sub-mediators.

Pressures on Hamas

He did not, therefore, limit himself to promising compensation (or issuing warnings, implied or explicit) to the warring parties themselves. This was to strengthen the motivation of these sub-mediators (mainly Turkey and Qatar) to exert heavy pressures on Hamas so that it would agree to soften its rigid positions.

Regarding Turkey, the American compensation appears particularly far-reaching. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was promised the supply of F-35 aircraft, which he so coveted to receive, and he is slated to become a legitimate player in the agreement's implementation process.

Thus, the White House managed to create a two-layered web of heavy-weight levers of influence on Hamas. The cumulative weight of these levers made it hard for the terror organization, at the current time, to reject his plan. (Regarding Israel, Donald Trump directly applied these levers, but with a completely different dosage). This created the necessary infrastructure for the entire deal, in which carrots and sticks were integrated based on the business principle of "give and take" from Donald Trump's business background.

Hamas' dependence on Turkey

Although Qatar has long been known for dancing not only with the US but also with the devil, the fact that Doha had not succeeded in its mediation efforts until now (especially following the failed Israeli attack against senior Hamas officials in Qatar) is what led the president to his unprecedented decision to turn to Ankara, to shower Recep Tayyip Erdoğan with words of praise and flattery, and exploited the Hamas movement's great dependence on Turkey to turn it into a central executive contractor for his plan.

In this way, he also upgraded Turkey's security and political ties with Washington (in the hope that the price for strengthening Turkey and bringing it into the arena would not be too high for Israel, and that the American partner would provide Israel with appropriate security compensation for this).

Furthermore, in his activity as a super-mediator, Donald Trump revealed a deep understanding of the timing of his powerful entry onto the stage. The level of support for Israel around the world, and especially among the American public (including among the party's youth), has recently fallen to an unprecedented low (and also reflected on the status of the American superpower, Israel's loyal ally).

The fact that the Israeli action in Doha threatened to unravel the loose seams of the Abraham Accords and steer the Middle East down a path of chaos and instability, led the president to increase his activity. This was also in light of the growing criticism from wide sectors in Israeli society regarding what appeared to be a futile bogging down in the sands and alleys of Gaza.

Frustration in the White House

The growing frustration in the White House with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's promises of Hamas' total collapse, which did not materialize, and its sensitivity to the worsening condition of the hostages and the humanitarian distress in the strip, contributed to his decision that the time was ripe to throw his full weight into an increased effort to immediately bring about a cessation of the fighting (while also being ready to apply pressure on Israel not to resort to tactics of delay and postponement).

Thus, a window of opportunity was created by the president for the establishment of a ceasefire between Israel, isolated in the international arena and where growing signs of domestic fatigue and frustration are intensifying, and the terror organization, which has been significantly weakened and has lost most of its strongholds and centers of control. This was, of course, with the assistance of the sub-mediators, primarily Ankara, who mobilized for the mission of applying increased pressure on the terror organization.

If Europe was not mentioned at all in all the above, it is no coincidence. Apart from impractical plans that left no discernible mark, no trace remains of the unilateral and preposterous initiatives of French President (as of October 11) Emmanuel Macron, the European Union and the UN institutions. Is there a need for further proof of the leading status of the US as the sole superpower in the Donald Trump era, and the absolute marginality of Europe, which, apart from the background noise it created, contributed nothing to the advancement of the ceasefire?

And finally, the question of the Nobel Peace Prize, which was not awarded to the president on Friday. After the rumor already emerged from Oslo's halls that the win is contingent on a contribution to the establishment of a sustainable peace settlement, and not just the achievement of a ceasefire agreement, one can only hope and believe that if the process that Donald Trump created from scratch is indeed realized in practice and also leads to the expansion and upgrading of the Abraham Accords and the establishment of a new, more reconciled, and stable regional order, it will be difficult for the committee to object to his selection next year as the Nobel Peace Prize laureate.

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Moreover, the recognition move gives backing not only to Hamas and not only within the Palestinian issue, but to Islamist terrorism in all its forms, precisely at a moment when Israel, in its war against parts of those forces, is managing to dent their capabilities through this approach.

Furthermore, the declaration that Macron and his partners intend to improve the standing of the Palestinian Authority and what remains of Fatah will politically strengthen Hamas and its allies. The move will paint the Palestinian streets in Judea and Samaria green, Hamas' color, an area where support for the terrorist organization is already trending upward.

And another point: the recognition initiative, which Macron and his partners say is meant to help establish calm and stability, not only fails to achieve that, it is already increasing tensions that will probably escalate further as a result of the countermeasures Israel will be forced to take. The next wave of terror and violence, heaven forbid it comes, already has a name: "Macron escalation".

Anyone impressed by the conditions some leaders attached to their declaration has probably not closely examined the real condition of the Palestinian Authority and how it operates. This applies not only to its involvement in financial support for terrorists and their families, the glorification of attackers and turning them into role models for Palestinian youth, but also to the corruption that has spread within it and the way it is perceived by parts of its own people. The sheikhs of Hebron proposing to detach from the Authority and join the Abraham Accords as an autonomous area is evidence of how it is perceived, at least by some of the public. The fine words about conditions to be imposed on the Palestinian Authority are nothing more than lip service, pretence or at best naïveté.

And we have not yet addressed feasibility: in his speech this week at the UN "Two-State Solution" conference, Mahmoud Abbas said that "Hamas will not have a part in the government. Hamas and its partners must hand over their weapons to the Authority." As the old saying goes, words do not pay the customs duties.

Can that same Palestinian Authority, which cannot cope on its own with phenomena of terror, the proliferation of weapons, anarchy and lack of governance in whole areas that are already under its responsibility, sustain itself at all? Countless IDF operations in the field and the thousands of arrests the Shin Bet carries out each year to rein in trends of terror are a sign of the magnitude of the security challenge it faces, and of course that is not the only challenge before it.

In fact, do Macron and his partners in the initiative recall that the Palestinian Authority they speak of in their speeches is the same "Authority" that in 2007 lost control of the Gaza Strip to Hamas? Mahmoud Abbas is the same Mahmoud Abbas, only older, and he will turn 90 in a month.

In Gaza's previous iteration of the Authority, heavy pressure was exerted on Israel to grant measures to Abbas and expand his powers to improve his electoral chances against Hamas. Those gestures were given, Hamas won, and we all remember the aftermath. Of course, that does not prevent Macron and his colleagues from reviving the same ideas.

While leaders continue to wax lyrical about the importance of their initiative, security reports bring us back down to earth: another rocket was located, this time in Tulkarm, days after a terror cell from the Ramallah area was exposed producing rockets intended for launch from Judea and Samaria. This comes about two weeks after the attack at the Ramat Junction in Jerusalem that claimed six civilian lives, which was also carried out by perpetrators from the Ramallah area.

The Macron, Keir Starmer and partners initiative to recognize a Palestinian state is initiative for the sake of initiative. Once, when an idea like this came up, Hamas leaders might have suspected some hidden trick and tried to decipher the sophistication. Today such a possibility does not even cross their minds. Hamas understands that this is a step meant to signal "we are here too," and that domestic politics and international competition were important motives in its crafting, and that its consequences were not seriously examined. All they have to do is stand aside and enjoy the gains. Evildoers, their work is done by the naïve.

Anyone who links this step to the start of an IDF operation to conquer the city of Gaza is invited to listen to the interview Macron gave back in April of this year, in which he spoke about the recognition initiative he is promoting, long before Israel's cabinet decided on the conquest of Gaza. Save the self-flagellation for other occasions.

How should Israel respond?

On the diplomatic level, although the immediate significance of recognition is mainly declaratory, it must not be taken lightly, because it gives substantial reinforcement to the standing of the Palestinian Authority in international legal proceedings against Israel. It also creates a foundation for decisions and measures against moves that Israel will carry out in Judea and Samaria.

There is no need to confront Macron head-on now, but under no circumstances should Israel turn the other cheek. There is also no reason to continue treating him with deference. Those who initiated and led this move cannot be accepted as mediators, partners or observers in any process in which Israel is involved.

Despite sympathy with the call to apply sovereignty over parts of Judea and Samaria, one should question the advisability of such a step. First, because taking it as a reactive or provocative measure weakens the claim of its justice. Second, because it is a divisive act during wartime that requires as broad a consensus as possible, and even without it internal tension is high. It seems that a balanced step that enjoys broad internal agreement and has a good chance of securing backing from the Trump administration would be a decision to apply sovereignty over the Jordan Valley.

Regarding security, Israel's general approach should convey the message that its activity for its security will continue as usual and will not take any political recognition of the Palestinians into account. Furthermore, against the backdrop of terror trends, it is correct to make clear that an area that chooses to behave like Gaza will end up like Gaza.

The security establishment must prepare on the assumption that we are facing another rise in tension in Judea and Samaria. The offensive approach adopted at the beginning of the war should continue, including the use of focused preventive measures, and monitoring and security along the seam line must be tightened. Given the independent manufacturing capabilities for weapons and explosives in that area, it is right to stop entirely the entry into Palestinian Authority areas of dual-use items that terrorist elements use in production processes.

An umbrella that will allow Hamas to preserve its power and capabilities

Several media outlets have reported an American plan formulated for the Gaza Strip that is supposed to include, among other things, the release of all the hostages, a permanent ceasefire, the end of the war and the establishment of a civilian governing mechanism with the involvement of moderate Arab states and the Palestinian Authority.

This idea is not new. In the Arab world and within Hamas there has for some time been discussion of formulas that would allow ending the war and reaching the "day after," without IDF rule in the Strip and without implementing Trump's transfer plan.

Hamas spokesmen have repeatedly declared their readiness to vacate their role in managing Gaza's civilian affairs and hand them over to other actors. In previous statements they emphasized that Hamas's position on the Strip's future rests on two principles: first, that managing the Strip is an internal Palestinian affair that requires a "national consensus" — a code name that brings the Palestinian Authority into the equation and allows Hamas to set conditions and demands. The second principle is that "armed resistance to the Israeli occupation is the right of the entire Palestinian people over all Palestinian land, and not only the right of Hamas." This implies opposition to the disarmament of military capabilities.

The civilian mechanism and rehabilitation efforts in Gaza are the main channel for building Hamas's military capabilities. Everything that enters Gaza for civilian purposes will be used by Hamas to build its military power, from engineering equipment brought in to clear rubble that will be used to prepare tunnels, to cement and rebar brought in for construction that will be used for tunneling, to glues, resins and fertilizers that, although entering for civilian uses, will be diverted to the manufacture of explosives. As long as Hamas is the dominant force in the Strip, it will effectively control everything brought into its territory, even if it is not formally a partner in the civilian governing mechanism.

Moreover, a plan that transfers civilian management away from Hamas but leaves it as the significant power broker could lead to the Hezbollahization of Gaza. Under the cover of a "management committee," or whatever name is chosen for that governing body, Hamas would rebuild its military strength and pull the strings behind the scenes in the management of all its affairs. The organization could funnel the energies it regains into increasing terror efforts both in Judea and Samaria and in other regions. Arab and international involvement in implementing such a scheme would only complicate matters for Israel and hinder its ability to confront Hamas's maneuvers.

Therefore, Israel must make clear that it will not compromise on its demand for the demilitarization of the Strip from military capabilities, in addition to the collapse of Hamas's rule — and not in its place. Israel cannot allow civilian control to be placed in a framework that in practice serves as an umbrella for preserving Hamas's power and rebuilding it.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz said a few months ago: "Israel is doing the dirty work for all of us." He was referring to Israel's strike against Iran as part of Operation With the Lion, but his words are also true regarding Israel's war in Gaza. Alongside continued fighting to destroy Hamas's capabilities, the real answer to Gaza's problems is implementing Trump's initiative. This is a rare opportunity to bring about a fundamental change in the situation, purchased at a terrible human cost. It must not be missed.

Originally published in Makor Rishon. 

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For Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the American president's decision marks a moment to feel relieved. He now possesses a devastating answer for the right-wing sector of the coalition and members of the Likud who continually press for sovereignty. As is recorded in the Book of Esther: "For a writing which is written in the king's name, and sealed with the king's ring, may no one reverse." What Donald Trump determined is now fact – and nothing can be done about it.

The Yesha Council, which managed a very successful and sophisticated campaign both domestically and in Washington, was able to elevate the idea of sovereignty high in public opinion, but it appears the council failed to accurately pick-up the broader diplomatic mood. It was evident in recent weeks that in light of the international anti-Israeli sentiment sweeping countries, it was just unthinkable to further antagonize the international community with that move.

Instead of insisting on sovereignty until the very end, the Yesha Council could have proposed a wise compromise to Donald Trump, Emmanuel Macron, and Benjamin Netanyahu: We will forgo the idea of sovereignty, and in return, the French president will withdraw from the initiative to recognize a Palestinian state. As this did not occur – the bitter outcome now is that Israel both received the international recognition of a Palestinian state and forfeited the sovereignty option – without any compensation. The missed opportunity is unfortunate.

However, there is also a somewhat positive angle to Donald Trump's decision. The American president effectively saved Israel from itself. Sovereignty at this juncture would have exacted extremely heavy political and economic costs, primarily in the form of European sanctions even more severe than those still anticipated to arrive. It is highly questionable how successfully Israel could have practically implemented sovereignty on the ground, given that it has more than enough critical issues on its plate to deal with these days.

Sovereignty will absolutely come eventually – but gradually, at a more appropriate time and under better circumstances. Sometimes the truest friend is the one who understands when to say "no."

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Macron began his remarks by saying, "We must open our eyes and see human faces where war defines enemies. We must acknowledge the loneliness of each people: the Israelis after October 7, and the Palestinians as a result of the ongoing war."

"This is why today, we must chart a path toward peace. Since last July, developments have accelerated. We have reason to believe the Abraham Accords are at risk because of Israel's actions, and we must act to preserve the possibility of a two-state solution," Macron said.

Le temps de la paix est venu. https://t.co/jah3FiXh4C

— Emmanuel Macron (@EmmanuelMacron) September 22, 2025

'The hostages must be freed'

Macron also addressed the issue of Israeli hostages held by the Hamas terrorist organization, saying, "We gathered here today because the time has come to free the 48 hostages in Hamas' hands. The time has come to end the war, the bombings in Gaza, the massacres, and the people fleeing."

The summit, hosted by France and Saudi Arabia, is aimed at advancing the "New York Declaration," which was adopted at the UN General Assembly in September by a large majority of 142 countries, with only 10 voting against, including Israel and the US.

The declaration sets out "concrete, time-bound and irreversible steps" toward a two-state solution, while calling for Hamas' dismantling and for governance in Gaza to be transferred to the Palestinian Authority.

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The French first couple plans to provide this evidence in their defamation lawsuit against Owens, who has promoted conspiracy theories claiming Brigitte Macron was born male, their attorney told the BBC.

Tom Clare, the Macrons' lawyer, told the BBC's Fame Under Fire podcast that the first lady found the allegations "incredibly upsetting" and they created an unwanted "distraction" for the French president. Owens' legal team has filed a motion seeking case dismissal.

Clare confirmed that "expert testimony that will come out that will be scientific in nature" would be presented, although he declined to specify the details. The couple remains prepared to prove "both generically and specifically" that the allegations are false.

"It is incredibly upsetting to think that you have to go and subject yourself, to put this type of proof forward," Clare stated. "It is a process that she will have to subject herself to in a very public way. But she's willing to do it. She is firmly resolved to do what it takes to set the record straight."

Asked whether the Macrons would provide pregnancy photos and family images, Clare confirmed such documentation exists and would be presented under proper court procedures.

Owens, formerly a Daily Wire commentator with millions of social media followers, has repeatedly promoted her view that Brigitte Macron is male. In March 2024, she declared she would stake her "entire professional reputation" on this claim.

The conspiracy theory originated in fringe online spaces years earlier, particularly through a 2021 YouTube video by French bloggers Amandine Roy and Natacha Rey. The Macrons initially won a French defamation case against Roy and Rey in 2024, but this ruling was overturned on appeal in 2025 on free expression grounds, not factual merit.

In July, the Macrons filed their US lawsuit against Owens, alleging she "disregarded all credible evidence disproving her claim in favor of platforming known conspiracy theorists and proven defamers". US defamation cases involving public figures require proving "actual malice" – demonstrating the defendant knowingly spread false information or showed reckless disregard for the truth.

In August, Emmanuel Macron explained to French magazine Paris Match why they pursued legal action: "This is about defending my honor! Because this is nonsense. This is someone who knew full well that she had false information and did so with the aim of causing harm, in the service of an ideology and with established connections to far-right leaders."

Owens' lawyers responded with a motion to dismiss, arguing that the case should not be tried in Delaware because it allegedly lacks a connection to her Delaware-incorporated businesses. They claim forcing her to defend in Delaware would cause "substantial financial and operational hardship".

The BBC contacted Owens' legal team for comment. She has previously said she believes her statements are true and emphasized free speech as a fundamental American right.

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In recent meetings with Jewish leaders, Macron gave the impression that recognition would not be immediate or automatic, but rather conditional. The conditions include the release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza and the disarmament of Hamas.

Macron had originally announced that France's recognition would be tied to several steps by the Palestinians, but later dropped those demands. Now, it appears he is reverting to his original stance, meaning France's recognition will not take effect right away. Still, sources stressed that the president will make his final decision at the last minute.

At the same time, political turmoil in France is further complicating the process. With no functioning government in place, and likely none in the coming days, there is no authority to translate Macron's declaration, should he make one, into actual measures, sources familiar with the matter told Israel Hayom.

Macron is also timing his potential announcement at the United Nations in New York for Monday evening, coinciding with the start of Rosh Hashanah, the Jewish New Year.

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President Macron, who faces constant criticism domestically, plummeted to 15% approval ratings in polls over the weekend. His third government is expected to fall within two years. The search for political survival has led him to target Jews, as the French have a rich history in this area.

However, this time the Jews are fighting back. Primarily, President Yitzhak Herzog and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar divide the work between them. A month ago, Herzog visited Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia. His arrival there contributed to these countries rejecting Macron's request to join the unilateral recognition. On Thursday, Herzog met with the Pope, and this week he may travel to London for the same purpose.

Sa'ar visited Japan several months ago and spoke again with its foreign minister over the weekend. Tokyo is also sitting on the fence for now. Both the president and the foreign minister speak daily with leaders around the world. They explain what Israel is doing to improve the humanitarian situation in Gaza and clarify that French President Macron is only distancing any type of agreement.

In these conversations, it emerges that Israeli threats to apply Israeli sovereignty over parts of Judea and Samaria in response are indeed deterring countries considering joining the French provocation. At least some of the countries' leaders have expressed concern that Israel's response would lead to undermine the Abraham Accords.

Israel is indeed seriously considering the historic step. The Yesha Council and right-wing ministers are applying heavy pressure on Netanyahu to take this move. It is very logical that the prime minister, who grew up in a revisionist home, would want to establish such a move in his legacy, especially since all the messages arriving from Washington do not rule out sovereignty.

A source who spoke with Secretary of State Marco Rubio's staff heard two possibilities from them. One, a general American statement backing Israeli sovereignty in Judea and Samaria. The other, preliminary and detailed dialogue about the specific places where Israeli law would be applied.

What is certain is that Rubio, who will dedicate the "Pilgrims' Way" from the City of David to the Western Wall next week in a significant political and historical ceremony, is not saying "no" to Israeli sovereignty.

Now the ball is with Netanyahu. What will he do? First, damage control. That is, he will wait to see how many countries join the French move, and what exactly will be said at that UN conference that Macron deliberately scheduled for the Jewish New Year. If the language is extreme and the participants numerous, Israel will respond forcefully. If the conference is a flop, the Israeli response will be similar.

So far, Israel's blocking battle is achieving reasonable results. While there are important countries like Canada and Australia expected to join the French move, Germany, Italy and many others oppose it. However, they would be happy to hear better explanations of Israel's arguments.

From conversations with leaders of these countries, it clearly emerges that the absence of an Israeli advocacy system causes Israel very heavy political damage. In any case, not only sovereignty is being considered but additional response measures, such as closing the French consulate in Jerusalem and more.

The battle of minds will continue until the last moment. Every country that Macron tries to drag to his side, Israel will try to pull back toward itself. The French president's request to visit Israel before his conference was rejected. Now he is chasing after Jewish leadership, both in France and in the US.

Hopefully, CRIF, the AJC, AIPAC and the Conference of Presidents will respond negatively to his request. When a French president harms the Jewish state, when he desecrates the sanctity of the Jewish holiday and holds his conference specifically on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, and when antisemitism rages in his country not seen in France since the Holocaust, it is not appropriate for leaders in the Jewish people to give him legitimacy.

When in Nice, France's fourth-largest city, a Jewish child looks out the window at a group of hooligans blocking the entrance to his synagogue and tells his mother "they are crazy, I am afraid" (the video is on social media) – it appears that Macron has much more urgent real problems.

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Diaspora Affairs Minister Amichai Chikli said in the cabinet meeting that French President Emmanuel Macron's step in leading the initiative for a Palestinian state
"has struck a severe blow to the hostages and to the State of Israel, and no statement of ours on the subject is sufficient." Chikli added that "drastic steps are required against France, and chiefly among them is the nationalization of its assets in Jerusalem, mainly the closure of the consulate."

In response to Chikli's words, Sa'ar confirmed that the last step is being considered and revealed that he recommended it in detail to Prime Minister Netanyahu. The French move is expected to reach its peak in September at the UN.

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For those having trouble remembering, this is the same Hamad who, days after the massacre, explained in media interviews that Israel is "a state we want to bring down" and promised: "The Al-Aqsa Flood is only the first time. There will be a second, third, and fourth time. We have the resilience and capability to fight and pay the price." It's hard to understand why the long arm of Israeli security mechanisms hasn't reached him, but it's still not too late.

Hamas draws encouragement from the success of the "hunger in Gaza" campaign and the responses it generated worldwide and in Israel. They are also pleased with the connection made between the Palestinian statehood recognition initiative and the war in the Strip. The timing of its launch, as well as the connection some Western leaders created between it and the situation in Gaza, turned this initiative in the public's eyes into a political achievement for Hamas. Suppose we add to this the easing of military pressure and the pipelines opened to flood the Strip with food and civilian supplies. In that case, we can understand the arrogance displayed by the terror organization.

Hamas' demands

When this is how things stand, and when Israel's leadership is under attack from all sides, they see no reason to be flexible. Threats to open the gates of hell against them provoke laughter. In contrast, the growing pressure in Israel, especially after the publication of videos of starving hostages, creates the impression among them that Israeli stubbornness is cracking.

Despite upheavals in negotiations throughout the months of war, the four basic demands Hamas set as conditions for returning all hostages have not changed: international guarantee for a complete and absolute cessation of fighting by Israel; withdrawal of IDF forces to October 6 lines; opening of border crossings and creating conditions that would enable the Strip's reconstruction; and release of terrorists imprisoned in Israel according to an agreed-upon formula. If Israel responds to these demands, it will end the war without achieving its goals and will not only leave Hamas as the central power factor in the Strip but also enable it to rearm and strengthen again, paving its way to take control of the West Bank as well – where it already enjoys great popularity.

Apart from the possibility of ending the war on Hamas' terms, Israel faces two additional alternatives: conquering the Strip and imposing temporary military rule, or continuing efforts to free some hostages through a combination of pressure and negotiations, without giving up on toppling Hamas and its disarmament. The Diplomatic-Security Cabinet will need to decide between the three alternatives.

Avenues of action

In its current approach, Israel first seeks to ease international pressure even at the cost of reducing pressure on Hamas. But this leads to stagnation of the situation on the ground, leaves the initiative in Hamas' hands, strengthens its confidence, causes confusion on the Israeli side, and also doesn't provide an answer to the hostage issue.

Israel has additional means at its disposal, even in the current interim situation, that should be activated. For example, striking Hamas leadership abroad, which continues to enjoy immunity and conduct political activity uninterrupted. Neutralizing them could also damage Hamas' post-war reconstruction efforts. Another action: complete severing of internet, networks, and communications in Gaza. These are the tools through which Hamas maintains its governance. Through them, it consolidates its situational picture, transmits information and instructions to the public.

In addition to this, accelerating the establishment of the humanitarian city and promoting US President Donald Trump's initiative for voluntary migration of the population – this is the real solution to Gaza's fundamental problems and also an answer to the desire of tens of thousands of residents, as various surveys show. This is the move Hamas fears most of all.

In light of the deliberate starvation of the hostages, and despite the assumption that Hamas has an interest in preventing their deaths, Israel must set a real price tag and clarify that the death, God forbid, of any hostage will trigger automatic activation of drastic measures such as expelling hundreds of Hamas operatives (whose names will be published) and their families. This, too, should be included in the basket of measures.

The writer is head of the Misgav Institute for National Security and Zionist Strategy and served as National Security Council head from 2017-2021.

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