Meeting the new operational demands requires the IDF to procure additional aircraft, including Apache helicopters, while also extending the service life of older platforms. Alert schedules have also been revised. Fighter pilots, for example, are now expected to strike within minutes of being called up, compared with 45 minutes under the alert posture in place on October 6. Within the first hour, they are required to strike at least 60 targets to disrupt enemy activity.

Minimum requirements have also been set for the number of unmanned aerial vehicles that must be airborne at any given time, as well as for the quantity and types of munitions carried by various aircraft. Five helicopters have been placed on constant alert to rapidly deploy intervention forces from Shayetet 13, Sayeret Matkal and Shaldag. To enable rapid insertion of forces near unfolding incidents, the IDF has prepared hundreds of landing zones across the country, allowing troops to be set down in numerous locations. In Judea and Samaria alone, more than 500 landing zones have been established.

The IDF stresses that the Israeli Air Force does not replace regional commands for border defense. However, despite the fact that the Air Force met all of its alert requirements on October 7 and even exceeded them, it proved ineffective in the face of the scale of the attack. As a result, the aerial response to eruptive incidents has been fundamentally reworked.

Rules of engagement have also been revised. Under the new directives, when a division commander declares the code word "Ra'am," signaling an eruptive incident within the division, orders come into force that delegate significantly greater authority to pilots. For example, pilots may strike enemy forces identified either on Israeli territory or across the border, while making every effort to safeguard Israeli troops and civilians.

Fighter jets have also been assigned predefined targets in every sector based on terrain analysis. Even if contact with headquarters cannot be established, pilots know that during an incident in a given sector they are to strike targets already designated in advance. To cope with dozens of simultaneous incidents, the Air Force has defined "air combat teams," combining crews from observation, transport, attack helicopter and UAV squadrons. These teams are usually positioned close to the area of operations and can divide and manage incidents from the air if the Air Force's central command bunker becomes overloaded.

To embed the changes, a "Border Defense Airpower" conference was held about two weeks ago for commanders and officers from the Air Force and the Ground Forces. The shift represents a conceptual change, under which the Air Force commander approved an updated mission for the air and space arm, formally adding "border defense" to its mandate. In parallel, the Participation and Helicopters Command has changed its name and mission to the Participation and Border Defense Command. Headed by an officer with the rank of brigadier general, the command is now responsible for border defense during eruptive incidents and for providing aerial support to ground maneuvering forces.

In addition, while on October 7 the Air Force operated through a single control, during the war a new control, dubbed "Oz," was established. It operates around the clock and is tasked with providing a rapid aerial umbrella to all forces fighting across all fronts.

Further changes include adding a phone to pilots' helmets and distributing the phone numbers of all local security coordinators nationwide to every squadron. In light of the communications breakdowns on October 7, the IDF has also institutionalized five communication channels linking forces managing incidents in the air and on the ground, ranging from standard military communications to the use of civilian networks to ensure connectivity between all forces responding to an event.

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In the first ten days, there was no information about Eitan, and when Zvika felt there wasn't much of a way to help, he picked up the phone to the battalion, and asked if there was a way to help.

"Here we saw that he has two hands and two eyes," Zvika said. "Eitan was kidnapped on October 7 by Gazans, who opened a toolbox on him and literally cut his back. We feared for his condition, and the intelligence also didn't know how to tell. Eitan returned thin, weak, but healthy. Understand, he was a tough guy and lost 15 kilograms of muscle mass. He went through torture, but he's strong, optimistic, and didn't reach a difficult mental state."

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She struggled to understand how to pay for a bus in Jerusalem. "On the light rail and Israel Railways I understood immediately how it works," she recounted. "But on the buses I got confused." The smile didn't fade even when she shared that she received a ticket. One hundred shekels. "Not a lot of money," she said. "But it still surprised me."

Strengthening defense lines in Israel

This is what a first meeting with Berenson looks like. Behind the smile and lightness stands a long personal story that led her from a young American Catholic – through a deep spiritual search – to founding an organization seeking to strengthen Israel's civilian defense lines.

Berenson grew up Catholic in the United States. Her first connection to Judaism was not born from politics or study, but through a youthful relationship. A mutual friend told her one day that the boy she had a crush on was Jewish. When she asked him about it, he became very angry. "He was really offended that they told me," she recalled. "I didn't understand what the problem was at all."

At home, the story passed quietly. "My dad told me it was just a different religion and that's it." But for her, something opened up. For the first time, she was also exposed to old antisemitic statements, ones she had never heard before. "It confused me," she said. "I didn't understand why it even mattered."

"It shook me"

The next significant moment came at university. During one of the courses, she was told for the first time that Jesus was Jewish. "It shocked me," she admits. "I grew up on stories and children's Bible stories, but no one ever told me that." This shock led her to investigate. "They told us to research Jesus, so I researched. The investigation led me to Judaism." It wasn't a sharp transition or dramatic declaration, but a long, intellectual and spiritual process, she said. "The more I learned, the more I understood that what I was looking for was there."

She completed the conversion itself while her mother was still alive in 2023. Only years later, at age 51, after her mother's passing, came a revelation that shook her anew. During family genealogy research, it became clear to her that she comes from an originally Jewish family, without the family members themselves knowing it. "It was a hair-raising moment," she recounted. "Suddenly my entire connection to Judaism took on a completely different color. Not just a choice, but also roots."

The events of October 7 were a turning point for her. "It wasn't just another news event," she said. "It was a moment when I understood you can't stay on the sidelines." Her connection to Israel, she says, is both emotional and historical. Berenson believes Israel has a historical right in Judea and Samaria, and sees Gaza as a complex security arena forced upon the state. But above all, she speaks about the people. "Emergency response teams are Israel's first line of defense," she said. "If we don't strengthen them, we won't be prepared."

Heroes of Israel

From this understanding, Heroes for Israel Project was born, an American nonprofit organization seeking to translate solidarity into action. Most of the organization's activity focuses on fundraising to strengthen emergency response teams in the field. The funds are designated for financing professional training, purchasing cameras and surveillance equipment, protective gear, first aid kits and other essential equipment, as well as upgrading basic security infrastructure in communities near the borders. From Berenson's perspective, emergency response teams are the state's first line of defense, and investment in them is not a luxury but an immediate security need.

Alongside her great love for Israel, Berenson doesn't spare criticism of the political system. "I really don't understand how 120 Knesset members can't listen to each other and cooperate. You see it from the outside." According to her, the internal division also projected weakness to enemies. "I tell Americans all the time, we need to be one people. Because in the end, the first ones attacked are the Jews. Always."

She also had a clear position on what's happening at universities in the United States. "The young people are good people," she emphasized. "They want equality, they accept everyone, they love everyone." The problem, she says, is not with them but with the system above them. "There are professors and foreign elements interfering, who insert hatred and racism under the guise of justice."

Berenson doesn't see herself as a politician. She sees herself as someone who acts, who connects, who strengthens. Perhaps that's why even a small ticket on a Jerusalem bus couldn't bring down her smile. "I'm here because this is my people's home," she said. "And if it's home, you need to protect it."

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This approach prevented his assassination until he was struck in his vehicle alongside three bodyguards on December 13, following multiple failed elimination attempts. One such effort unfolded in summer 2024, when the Israeli Air Force targeted a structure in the Shati camp – an area housing both a mosque and a school.

Saad handled diverse responsibilities within Hamas, spanning the organization's "civilian" infrastructure. Over three decades, he occupied a succession of critical positions directly linked to the October 7 massacre: operations chief, founder of the Nukhba (Hamas's elite commando force), naval force architect, and weapons production director. Throughout the war, he oversaw explosive manufacturing that claimed numerous IDF soldiers' lives. During the ceasefire, he orchestrated the restoration of the organization's strength.

"Generational transition"

Following his elimination, Israel Hayom has learned that Hamas is experiencing an accelerated "generational transition" due to dozens of senior operatives killed across two years. Today, scarce veteran figures populate the leadership, including "military wing head" Izz al-Din al-Haddad and intelligence director Mohammed Awda. They too face mounting responsibility portfolios. According to Asharq Al-Awsat, Awda was appointed commander of the northern Gaza Strip brigade. Al-Haddad himself managed the hostages dossier.

Consequently, the terrorist organization increasingly depends on junior terrorist commanders possessing minimal experience, restricted authority, and diminished capabilities. This dynamic threatens decision-making capacity and strategic planning.

Hamas has enlisted thousands of fresh terrorists throughout the conflict. Nevertheless, these recruits have only basic training, lacking experience and authority, and have marginal capabilities.

Yet alongside them, a hardened nucleus of veteran, proficient terrorists has endured. Therefore, Hamas sustains operations via emergency committees and apparatuses controlling the economy, transit, and education, while attempting to terrorize the population through executions and public prosecutions. Simultaneously, certain local clans demonstrate resistance.

Regarding the Palestinian population, Hamas' core supporter base has remained steadfast. Conversely, support for Hamas has declined according to multiple surveys. Furthermore, numerous Gazans exhibit passivity amid Gaza's humanitarian conditions, particularly during winter storms. Gaza has reported that at least 16 Palestinians have perished from weather-related damage thus far, including building wall collapses.

The post From mosques to hospitals: How senior Hamas terrorist evaded elimination for months appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The declaration, issued on the war's 800th day through a coordinated effort with October Council (organization representing October 7 families), arrives as most abducted Israelis have returned from Gaza. Among those who signed: former captives Yarden Bibas, Arbel Yehoud, Luis Har, Gadi Moshe Mozes, and Amit Soussana, joined by scores of bereaved relatives.

"We demand truth. We demand justice. We demand accountability," the letter declared. "If you refuse to accept responsibility and convene such a commission as the majority of Israelis demand, vacate your positions and allow the people to choose."

The complete text: "Investigate everything"

"We – the freed hostages, families of survivors, relatives of slain captives, and those whose loved ones were seized alive only to be murdered in captivity – stand unified behind one unambiguous demand: the formation of an independent state commission of inquiry.

"Such a commission represents the sole mechanism capable of examining without intimidation, without favoritism, and without constraints the complete sequence of breakdowns that preceded the day of failure, events that transpired during the catastrophe, and every decision-making procedure concerning the hostages and war management.

"This commission must examine every dimension of that day, encompassing the disintegration of defense and intelligence operations, the unanswered pleas for assistance, the hours-long desertion of Gaza border communities, and the forsaking of civilians and soldiers to the nightmare that consumed Israeli soil.

"Equally critical, it must scrutinize developments since October 7: How authorities reached decisions during hostage negotiations, what caused recurring postponements, how diplomatic and military leadership coordinated, what public officials stated and enacted and how those choices affected captives' survival, their physical and psychological welfare, the destiny of those abducted alive but killed in captivity, and the extended period before deceased hostages reached their families. This, 799 days later with one slain hostage's body still detained – Ran Gvili.

"A commission of inquiry cannot serve political ends. It cannot include individuals who themselves require investigation. It must maintain transparency, professionalism, and complete authority to mandate evaluations, question witnesses, examine records, and deliver definitive findings including implementation powers. Only such an entity can uncover the full truth, not merely convenient revelations. Truth is not a privilege, but Israel's obligation to its citizens. Such truth provides the foundation for mending Israeli society, rebuilding confidence in governance, and constructing greater security for coming generations.

"Without truth-seeking, we cannot guarantee the October 7 catastrophe will never recur, and without accepting responsibility, we cannot properly commemorate those who perished, those who suffered abduction, and those remaining in Gaza.

"We challenge Israel's government to cease avoiding, cease postponing, cease concealing, and immediately authorize a comprehensive state commission of inquiry. Passing time exacts severe costs – corrupted testimony, suppressed evidence, incapacity to pursue truth, comprehend breakdowns, and counter falsehoods. This constitutes an essential, ethical, and fundamental action in democratic governance. We demand truth. We demand justice. We demand accountability. And we demand it immediately.

"If you do not intend to take responsibility and establish such a commission as demanded by the majority of the people, vacate your positions and let the people decide."

Those who signed the demand

Former captive Yarden Bibas, widower of Shiri Bibas and bereaved father of Ariel Bibas and Kfir Bibas, murdered in Hamas detention; freed hostage Arbel Yehoud; freed hostage Clara Marman; freed hostage Shiri Weiss, mother of freed hostage Noga Weiss and widow of slain hostage Ilan Weiss; freed hostage Shani Goren; freed hostage Ariel Cunio; freed hostage Sharon Aloni Cunio, mother of freed hostages Ema and Yuly Cunio and wife of freed hostage David Cunio.

Released captives David Cunio and Sagui Dekel Chen; freed hostage Daniel Aloni, mother of freed hostage Emilia Aloni; freed hostage Amit Soussana; freed hostage Yafa Adar; freed hostage Fernando Marman; freed hostage Raz Ben Ami; freed hostage Ohad Ben Ami; freed hostage Luis Har; freed hostage Ditza Heiman; freed hostage Margalit Mozes; freed hostage Keren Munder, mother of freed hostage Ohad Munder and daughter of freed hostage Ruth Munder and deceased captive Abraham Munder, killed in Hamas detention; freed hostage Gabriela Leimberg and mother of freed hostage Mia Leimberg; freed hostage Raya Rotem; freed hostage Norlin Babadilla; freed hostage Agam Goldstein; freed hostage Chen Almog Goldstein; Renana Gome Yaakov, mother of freed hostages Or Yaakov and Yagil Yaakov; Einav Zangauker, mother of freed hostage Matan Zangauker; Lishay Lavi, wife of freed hostage Omri Miran; Hirut Nimrodi, mother of slain hostage Tamir Nimrodi.

Rishel Tzarfati, mother of deceased captive Ofir Tzarfati; Esther and Oren Buchshtab, parents of freed hostage Yagev Buchshtab; Anat Angrest, mother of freed hostage Matan Angrest; Nofar Buchshtab, sister of freed hostage Yagev Buchshtab; John and Rachel Goldberg-Polin, parents of slain hostage Hersh Goldberg-Polin; Oksana Lobanov, mother of Alex Lobanov, killed in Hamas detention; Nira Sarusi, mother of Almog Sarusi, killed in Hamas detention; Ruby Chen, father of deceased captive Itay Chen; Eli and Shira Albag, parents of freed hostage Liri Albag; Asnat Peri, widow of Haim Peri, killed in Hamas detention; Asif and Gal Goren, children of Mia Goren, killed in Hamas detention; Tal Shani, mother of freed hostage Amit Shani; Orly Gilboa, mother of freed hostage Daniella Gilboa; Amir and Mirav Daniel, parents of deceased captive Oz Daniel; Reuma Arusi Tarshansky, mother of freed hostage Gali Tarshansky; Nira Sharabi, widow of slain hostage Yossi Sharabi, killed in Hamas detention.

Orna and Ronen Neutra, parents of Omer Neutra; Boaz, son of captive Arie Zalmanowicz, killed in Hamas detention; Irina Ariev, mother of freed hostage Karina Ariev; Dafna Shay Heiman, daughter of freed hostage Ditza Heiman; Maayan Sherman, mother of Ron Sherman, killed in Hamas detention; Ronen and Orna Neutra, parents of slain hostage Omer Neutra; Yuval Danzig, son of deceased captive Alex Danzig, killed in Hamas detention; Dvora Idan, mother of slain hostage Tsachi Idan, killed in Hamas detention; Ayelet Svatitzky, sister of deceased Nirim resident Roi Popplewell and sister of Nadav Popplewell, abducted and killed in captivity, and daughter of freed hostage Hanna Peri; Dana Or, mother of freed hostage Liam Or and sister of slain hostage Dror Or; Talma Atzili, mother of deceased captive Aviv Atzili; Ram and Guy Metzger, sons of Yoram Metzger, killed in detention, and freed hostage Tami Metzger; Sharon Lifshitz, daughter of Oded Lifshitz, killed in detention, and freed hostage Yocheved Lifshitz; Sharon, sister of Eden Yerushalmi, killed in detention; Yael Adar, mother of slain hostage Tamir Adar; Rani Goldin, brother of deceased captive Oren Goldin; Dalit Oron, mother of slain hostage Idan Shtivi; Efrat Avsker Yahalomi, sister of deceased captive Ohad Yahalomi, killed in Hamas detention; Shahar Levy, son of slain hostage Eitan Levy; Nisan Kalderon, brother of freed hostage Ofer Kalderon and uncle of freed hostages Sahar and Erez; Yitzhak Horn, father of freed hostages Yair Horn and Eitan Horn; Lee Segal, sister of freed hostage Keith Segal.

Yonatan Dekel-Chen, father of freed hostage Sagui Dekel-Chen; Yoav and Yonit Engel, parents of freed hostage Ofir Engel; Rotem Cooper, daughter of deceased captive Amiram Cooper, killed in Hamas detention; Chen Avigdori, husband of freed hostage Sharon Avigdori and father of freed hostage Noam Avigdori; Moshe Katz, father of freed hostage Doron Katz, abducted with daughters Raz and Aviv; Avital Kirsht, mother of freed hostage Rimon Kirsht; Aviram Meir, relative of freed hostage Almog Meir Jan; Maayan Segal-Koren, five of whose relatives survived detention, alongside scores of additional freed hostages and relatives.

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The meeting was organized by Amit Krig, senior vice president and head of Nvidia's development center in Israel. The emotional gathering at the company's US headquarters included the Israeli management team, who were at headquarters for professional meetings.

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This proposed structure differs from Israel's standard model of a state commission of inquiry. Netanyahu position compared his plan to the inquiry committee established in the US after the September 11 terrorist attacks, which he said had been "half Democratic and half Republican" and had "done an excellent job." A review of the facts, however, reveals three significant gaps between the American committee and the model Netanyahu is promoting.

The intelligence failures

So what is the American committee Netanyahu is referencing? The 9/11 Commission was established in 2002 by a federal law passed by Congress. Its purpose was to investigate the intelligence, operational and institutional failures that enabled the deadliest terrorist attack in US history.

The committee consisted of ten members, five Republicans and five Democrats, most of whom were former senior public officials. It was granted broad powers, including subpoena authority and access to classified material. It conducted interviews with more than 1,000 individuals, held dozens of public hearings and in 2004 released a lengthy report detailing systemic failures across several administrations. Its findings led to sweeping reforms in the US intelligence community.

A campaign of pressure

Netanyahu claimed that a "coordinated pressure campaign by senior former officials" was being waged in recent days, saying these individuals had "allowed anarchy to seep into state systems" and now "seek to distort the facts" and influence the structure of the inquiry. He argued that "such figures must not be involved in decisions and considerations that will determine how the disaster will be investigated" and described their involvement as "a clear conflict of interest."

He insists the national inquiry committee he plans to establish "will represent the entire public, the opposition and the coalition equally."

Yet the American model he cites does not actually support these assertions. First, the 9/11 Commission was itself composed largely of former officials. The chair, Tom Kean, was a former Republican governor. The vice chair, Lee Hamilton, was a former Democratic congressman. Most other members were also retired public officials. In other words, the American model relied on experienced figures who were not politically subordinate to the sitting administration, in contrast to Netanyahu's warnings about the involvement of "former officials."

The administration did not appoint the committee

Second, the administration of President George W. Bush did not appoint the commission and did not control its membership. Congress, which is independent of the executive branch, established the committee through legislation after initial opposition from the White House. The commission was created only after intense public pressure from families of the victims.

Its members were chosen by Democratic and Republican congressional leaders, not by the administration. This ensured full independence from the executive branch it was tasked with investigating. In Israel, however, a national inquiry committee appointed by the government and staffed by its nominees does not reflect the same level of independence.

Third, the "half Democrats, half Republicans" model cannot simply be replicated in Israel, where there is no stable two party system. In the US it is clear who represents the opposition and who represents the majority. Israel's opposition is fragmented, its parties disagree among themselves and they may not even agree on who could legitimately represent them on a committee appointed by the government.

A model of how to conduct an inquiry

In such a system, an ostensibly "balanced" composition does not guarantee independence. It may instead deepen political rifts and erode public trust in the committee's conclusions. Although Netanyahu presents the 9/11 Commission as a model for the type of inquiry he wants to establish, the American committee's structure, membership and method of appointment show that it was built on one essential principle: complete independence from the government being investigated.

That principle is not necessarily reflected in the framework Netanyahu is proposing. It also contradicts his criticism of "former officials" even though, in the US case, they were at the core of the commission's credibility and professionalism.

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Outgoing Mayor Bhalla issued an official statement later in the day, clarifying that the initiative was undertaken at the request of residents of Palestinian descent and that it reflects a longstanding tradition in the city. "I want to be clear that the act of raising this flag is not, in any way, shape or form, intended as a political statement by the City of Hoboken," he wrote. "Celebrating diversity is a part of Hoboken's character." Bhalla emphasized that no one at city hall noticed the sensitive date on which the event was scheduled and that the flag was removed immediately after the matter was brought to his attention. "I want to state unequivocally that this association was not known when the scheduling was approved."

According to reports, the flag was raised in the morning hours and removed later in the day after the city hall received concerned inquiries from residents and community activists. Jabbour, who was elected mayor and will assume office next year, wrote on social media that the decision was made without public discourse. "An official flag raising outside City Hall should be a message of welcome and celebration," she wrote. "However, today we see the consequences of decisions made without broad community dialogue and without any involvement from my council colleagues."

#Hoboken pic.twitter.com/lyj20zUxIH

— Tiffanie Fisher, Councilwoman (@Tiffanie_Fisher) December 9, 2025

She further emphasized that the fact that the flag was raised on the day marking the outbreak of the First Intifada is "insensitive" and pledged to reexamine the city's flag-raising policy in the future.

Jewish City Council member Phil Cohen also addressed the incident. He emphasized that "neither I nor any of my council colleagues were updated about the decision" and noted that "December 9 is the anniversary of the First Intifada, something that would have been revealed had there been more transparency or dialogue with community leaders." According to him, "Had they asked me, I would have urged the mayor not to raise the flag today, especially when the Israeli flag was not raised at city hall this year." Cohen added that he spoke with Mayor-elect Jabbour, and they both agreed there is a need "to rethink flag-raising ceremonies and cultural events, in a transparent and unifying manner for all parts of the community."

Roy Feuerstein, a Hoboken resident, described a large, cohesive, and growing Israeli and Jewish community in the city. According to him, "There is currently an estimate of approximately 400 Israeli families" and he describes entire areas in the city where dozens of families are concentrated. "We live in an area called 'the kibbutz,' we're talking about roughly fifty Israeli families." Feuerstein emphasized that there is extensive community activity such as children's groups, Independence Day events with participation of more than a thousand people, and a close connection that has strengthened since October 7 between Israelis and the local Jewish community. "A kind of connection was created, there is a joint WhatsApp group of Jews and Israelis, and the community is very mobilized."

Regarding the flag incident, Feuerstein recounted that "someone posted a picture that suddenly a Palestinian flag was placed at the City Hall building" without advance notice, which sparked "a flood in all the Israeli groups." He describes a massive outreach from residents to city hall, and after a few hours "suddenly someone announced that the flag came down."

Feuerstein described the community's response as unequivocal. "There was relief because we managed within two to three hours to reverse such a thing." According to him, the incident reflects not local hatred toward Israelis but politics. "This is purely about a mayor thinking about his political career... he finishes this month and moves to be in the county representative in New Jersey, and is trying to court the Arab vote." Roi emphasizes that despite the event, Hoboken is still "a place where the Israeli community is very established, the environment is very supportive" and that it is "a very nice place to live."

Nevertheless, this move continues a series of controversies surrounding flags in the city. In November 2024, a ceremony of raising the PLO flag sparked public debate, and an Israeli flag raised at city hall about two months after October 7 was stolen three times, according to reports in local media.

Ahead of the change of administration at city hall, Jabbour promises to formulate a transparent and clear policy that will prevent recurrence of such incidents and allow Hoboken residents to celebrate their heritage without harming other communities.

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Among Jewish boys born in 2024, David was the most popular name. A total of 1,842 boys received this name, representing 2.7% of Jewish boys. The second most popular name was Lavi, given to 1,518 babies, and in third place was Ariel with 1,479 babies, a name that rose from fifth place in 2023. This name replaced Yosef in its ranking, which dropped to sixth place.

The bottom line showed that the names in the top ten for girls born in 2023 remained in the top ten for girls born in 2024, with minor changes in the rankings. Among boys, nine of the names in the top ten for babies born in 2023 remained in the top ten for babies born in 2024, with minor changes in the rankings.

According to the data, Muhammad was the most popular name among all babies born in 2024 in Israel and among Muslim boys specifically, with 2,257 boys receiving this name. However, this name has been in a relative decline from 17% in the early 2000s to 11.4% in 2024.

This means that in the early 2000s, one in six Muslim boys received the name Muhammad, while in 2024, only one in nine was named this. Among Muslim girls, the most popular name was Miriam, with 566 girls bearing it.

Data from the bureau revealed that October 7 attacks influenced a decline in the name Be'eri. This name experienced the highest quantitative drop compared to the previous year, from 435 to 92. The bureau noted that this decline may be related to the fact that the name is primarily associated with Kibbutz Be'eri, which was at the center of the events of October 7, 2023.

The data further revealed that the names Eliyah, Ariel, Avigail, and Shilo experienced the highest quantitative increases compared to 2023. It should be noted that Avigail was the most popular name for Jewish girls in both 2023 and 2024. Ayala, which was the second most popular name among Jewish girls, rose slightly (from 1,171 to 1,182), and therefore the gap between it and first place grew.

Among Jewish girls, the traditional names Esther and Sarah were popular in cities with large concentrations of ultra-Orthodox Jews (Beit Shemesh, Beitar Illit, Bnei Brak, Modi'in Illit, Jerusalem), while the name Maya was popular primarily in central cities.

Similarly, the traditional names Avraham, David, Yosef and Moshe were popular primarily in cities with large concentrations of ultra-Orthodox Jews (Modi'in Illit, Jerusalem, Bnei Brak, Beit Shemesh, Ashdod, Netivot, Elad, Tiberias, Beitar Illit), while the name Adam was popular in Tel Aviv-Jaffa.

The only name given to more than 20 girls in communities was Miriam, while the name Muhammad was very popular, especially in Jerusalem with 462 children. The names Ariel and Uri, as well as Ori, which were in the top ten most popular names for Jewish boys, also appeared in the top ten gender-neutral names.

Out of 3,024 multiple births in which all babies received names, 2,957 were twins and 66 were triplets. Among twins, the most popular name combinations for seven pairs of twins were "Muhammad, Ahmad" as well as "Rafael, Michael." The name pair "Lavi, Ari" was popular with six pairs of twins. Among the 66 triplets, all combinations were unique.

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He continued, "I saw inside a large yellow garbage can full of bodies. Women, adults, small children, all covered in blood, and they were murdered only because they are Jews and Israelis. During my time in captivity, they tortured me every day and left me with physical and mental scars everywhere. This captivity is not suitable for animals, certainly not for humans. Therefore, I ask you, dear people, to continue the good work for the sake of justice and peace. The October 7 massacre was without a justified reason, and was an inhuman massacre."

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