Vice Adm. (ret.) Eliezer Marom – www.israelhayom.com

Israel faces mounting tests as five fronts heat up

omrif — Mon, 01 Dec 2025 14:06:35 +0000

After two years of fighting, the ceasefire deal signed on October 9 between Israel and Hamas, mediated by the US, Qatar, Turkey and other countries, was supposed to signal the end of the Swords of Iron War. Yet on the main fronts, fighting continues at varying levels of intensity.

This prolonged condition of regional security instability does not bode well for Israel. A coordinated military and diplomatic effort, carried out in full partnership with the US, is needed to restore calm and stability.

The Lebanon front

On this front, Hezbollah is undergoing reconstruction and renewed force buildup. To prevent threats to northern communities, most of whose residents have already returned home, Israel must conduct daily military activity to disrupt any attempt by the Hezbollah terrorist organization to regroup near the border.

Hezbollah flags against the backdrop of destruction in Lebanon. Photo: AFP AFP

The agreement signed in November 2024 with the Lebanese government, mediated by US envoy Amos Hochstein, contained two major weaknesses. The first was its reliance on Lebanon's fragile government. The second was reliance on the Lebanese army to enforce the arrangement and dismantle Hezbollah's arsenal. Both proved to be unreliable pillars.

The Israel Defense Forces must carry out near-daily air operations and maintain control over dominant terrain inside Lebanese territory. The targeted killing of Hezbollah Chief of Staff Ali Tabatabai sent a message to Lebanon's government that it must act aggressively against the terrorist organization in order to preserve the agreement. For now, no long-term solution appears on the horizon and the IDF is likely to continue operating almost daily.

The Syrian front

The IDF is required to disrupt the efforts of Hamas, Hezbollah and other groups that are attempting to organize and challenge Israel along the line of contact. Israel's position on this front is somewhat better because the area contains very few Syrian communities, allowing more operational freedom. In addition, despite its internal problems, the Syrian government seems interested in stabilization and in reaching an arrangement.

Syrian regime fighters inside the city of Sweida. Photo: Reuters Reuters

Ultimately, Syria will remain a smaller state, with Turkish zones of influence in the north and Israeli zones of influence in the south. From time to time, deep operations will be necessary, similar to the recent one in Beit Jann, to eliminate growing terrorist activity. For now, it appears that IDF forces deployed in Syria will not withdraw to the international border and will remain inside Syrian territory for an extended period.

The Gaza front

This front is complex and fragile and is close to collapse and renewed fighting. The current reality, in which the IDF controls half of the Gaza Strip and the Hamas terrorist organization controls the other half, is volatile and dangerous. At this stage there is no progress in negotiations over the second phase of the agreement and Israel may remain in this situation for some time.

Hamas "police officers" on the streets of Gaza after the deal took effect. Photo: Arab networks

Hamas is restoring its military and administrative capacity and with every passing day the challenge Israel faces grows. The question is when Israel will need to act forcefully in areas controlled by Hamas in order to once again destroy the infrastructure that is constantly being rebuilt.

The Iranian front

The quiet on this front is deceptive. Iran is using every passing day to rebuild its air defense network and manufacture additional ballistic missiles that threaten Israel. Iran has not abandoned its nuclear project and will undoubtedly restore it.

An Iranian missile on display during a military parade in Tehran last month. Photo: EPA

It must be understood that Iran operates with a long-term vision, looking decades ahead. Israel must remain alert to this evolving threat, one it came to understand during Operation With the Lion. It is clear that the last word on this front has not been spoken.

The diplomatic front

President Donald Trump, who brokered the ceasefires in Iran, Lebanon and Gaza and is closely involved in developments in Syria, views the Middle East as a single strategic arena. His primary goal is expanding the Abraham Accords and bringing Saudi Arabia into them. Israel, for its part, is walking a tightrope. On the one hand, it must preserve its crucial alliance with the US. On the other, it must stand by its core principles.

Trump and Netanyahu at the Knesset. Photo: Oren Ben Hakoon

Israel therefore needs a continuous dialogue with the US while making clear that certain red lines cannot be crossed. First, no Palestinian state can be established between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean. Second, at this stage the security of frontline communities requires a physical IDF presence in Syria, Lebanon and Gaza.

In addition, the IDF will continue active operations to prevent hostile entrenchment across the border until responsibility can be transferred to others, if that even becomes possible. These principles must be explicit in every meeting with Israel's closest ally, the US. Only by upholding them can Israel ensure its security and its future.

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Gaza flotillas should be met with a heavy hand

omrif — Sun, 28 Sep 2025 13:40:02 +0000

A new flotilla is en route to Gaza and is approaching Israel's coast. Its organizers are trying to present it as a humanitarian mission, but like its predecessors this flotilla is simply another flotilla of hatred whose dominant backers are the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas.

In 2008, a group hostile to Israel called Free Gaza organized crossings between Gaza and Cyprus. At the time the political leadership instructed that the sailings be allowed, even though the military warned that the trickle of voyages to Gaza would turn into an uncontrolled flood. Indeed, at the end of 2009 Israel imposed a maritime security blockade along the Gaza coast, in accordance with international law, and detained any vessel that tried to breach the blockade. Ships that attempted to violate the blockade in violation of international law were in fact stopped.

In 2010 a major flotilla was organized in Turkey, known as the Marmara flotilla, which included six ships led by the Mavi Marmara and some 700 participants. That flotilla was organized by IHH (the Turkish Muslim Brotherhood organization, the Humanitarian Relief Foundation) and Hamas, and extreme-left anti-Israel groups also joined. During the takeover of the Mavi Marmara by Shayetet 13 naval commandos, the commandos were attacked by more than 50 IHH operatives armed with axes, knives, metal rods and, apparently, firearms. The commandos responded decisively, and in the ensuing battle nine attackers were killed and several dozen were wounded.

New flotilla sails to Gaza None

For more than 15 years after that the phenomenon largely subsided until it recently reemerged. The current flotilla comprises about 40 mostly small vessels making their way to Gaza. The amount of humanitarian aid they carry does not add up to a single truck entering Gaza. Israel offered the flotilla organizers the option of offloading their meager humanitarian cargo at the port of Ashkelon and having it transported to Gaza under UN supervision, and the organizers, whose sole purpose is to provoke, predictably refused.

In light of developments on the international arena, in the past week Italy and Spain decided to dispatch warships to escort the vessels to their destination and assist them if necessary. Despite the understandings between the navies, this is a very grave event in which European states are supporting lawbreakers who are trying to challenge the international law that underpins Israel.

Despite the large number of vessels and the escort by foreign warships, the Israeli Navy is prepared for the mission. It will stop the rogue boats, and they will not reach their destination. There is no doubt that this is a high-risk mission and that it may result in casualties and property damage. After the operation concludes, the State of Israel should use every lawful tool at its disposal to ensure that the boats the rioters arrived in are confiscated or sunk, and that some of the rioters are tried and imprisoned for long terms despite the expected protests. The State of Israel has the right to defend itself and its sovereignty, and it must act forcefully to exercise that right.

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The decisions Israel needs to make

adin — Tue, 22 Jul 2025 07:05:46 +0000

Israel's indirect negotiations with Hamas in Doha face persistent obstruction despite Jerusalem's substantial concessions. The fundamental question emerges regarding Hamas' true objectives and strategic direction. From October 7 onward, Hamas has demanded complete IDF evacuation from Gaza territories, restoration of its military governance, and security guarantees for its leadership.

Sustained IDF military pressure compelled Hamas toward the negotiating framework, producing agreement to relinquish governmental control. Furthermore, both sides reached preliminary consensus on establishing a security buffer zone spanning 1–1.5 kilometers (0.6–0.9 miles) around Gaza's perimeter, effectively preventing surprise attacks against Gaza border communities. Though Israel withdrew demands regarding the Morg corridor, multiple issues persist concerning prisoner exchanges and security protocols. While negotiations appeared concluded, Hamas continues generating complications and rejecting final agreement terms.

American diplomatic pressure prompted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu toward meaningful concessions despite fierce resistance from coalition rightist factions. Gaza resolution represents the essential prerequisite for initiating cascading developments toward comprehensive regional transformation, potentially incorporating numerous nations into Abraham Accords frameworks – principally Saudi Arabia. The strategic significance and extraordinary economic potential following such developments requires no elaboration.

Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei makes a speech to visitors in Tehran on December 22, 2024 (Photo: AFP)

Tehran's regional calculations

Israel's military victory in Gaza remains undeniable. IDF operations systematically dismantled Hamas' command structure alongside weapons infrastructure and manufacturing capabilities. Contemporary Gaza represents a devastated zone demanding reconstruction efforts spanning multiple years. Hamas's rejection of interim arrangements almost certainly leads toward a comprehensive resolution, which appears strategically irrational unless Iranian influence within Hamas decision-making processes enters the calculation.

Hamas' chief negotiator in Doha, Khalil al-Hayya, departed Gaza to serve as Yahya Sinwar's overseas representative and trusted operative. Al-Hayya maintains extensive Iranian connections, including coordination with Sa'id Izadi, Palestine Corps commander within the Quds Force (eliminated June 21), and direct meetings with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei during Tehran visits. Iran, suffering humiliation through IDF's Operation Rising Lion, seeks to preserve its carefully constructed resistance axis, encompassing rehabilitation efforts for Hamas, Houthis, and Hezbollah – representing continued attempts drawing Israel into attritional warfare.

Blocking Hamas agreements prevents Abraham Accords expansion while distancing Saudi Arabia from developing security and economic partnerships with Israel. Sabotaging arrangements Iran opposed even before the October 7 massacre would deliver significant Iranian strategic gains, simultaneously affecting Operation Rising Lion outcomes and ongoing negotiations between Iran, the US, and European nations regarding nuclear and ballistic missile programs.

Internal Hamas dynamics

Khalil al-Hayya currently represents the primary impediment toward Israeli-Hamas agreement. Foreign intelligence reports indicate significant disagreements within Hamas leadership, with various elements favoring Israeli agreements and seeking benefits from Gaza reconstruction initiatives. Israel apparently granted al-Hayya operational immunity, avoiding elimination despite the prime minister's post-October 7 declaration instructing Mossad to target Hamas senior officials internationally.

Al-Hayya's extremist approach necessitates Israeli strategic recalculation. We must seriously consider al-Hayya's elimination, persuading American allies that his removal enables successful agreement completion. Such significant action would simultaneously achieve victory over Iran, isolating Tehran and compelling negotiating table participation – ultimately producing comprehensive regional arrangements.

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The absolute victory is in our hands – we just need to reach the end

adin — Thu, 10 Jul 2025 12:44:16 +0000

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's third visit to the White House with President Donald Trump, combined with advancing discussions between Israel and Hamas in Doha, has generated waves of hope and even euphoria among broad segments of the population eager to witness the Gaza war's conclusion and the return of all hostages, living and deceased, to their homes and eternal rest.

United States Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff's announcement that only one disputed clause remains among four total provisions has amplified the optimism. Netanyahu received a summons for additional talks with Trump during the evening, discussions that apparently focused primarily on concluding the conflict. Netanyahu's entrance and exit through the White House rear entrance, conducted without public statements or photography, transformed the optimistic atmosphere almost immediately into uncertainty about whether an agreement might materialize.

Since October 7, the Israel Defense Forces has systematically eliminated Hamas' entire military and political command structure, obliterated all terrorist infrastructure, eliminated thousands of operatives, seized control of most Gaza Strip territory, and transformed the majority of the region into a devastated, catastrophe-stricken zone requiring years of reconstruction. The evidence is undeniable that the IDF secured a decisive victory over Hamas, which now operates as a partially functioning guerrilla organization. Tragically, Hamas retains custody of the hostages, and we continue efforts to negotiate their release.

Hostage repatriation to Israel and war termination will neither constitute nor be perceived as Israeli capitulation or Hamas triumph. Anyone possessing basic observational skills who witnesses Gaza's current state comprehends clearly which side emerged victorious and which suffered defeat. The broader Muslim world cannot derive inspiration from Hamas's current predicament and Gaza's destruction, making any war-ending agreement incapable of posing existential threats to Israel.

Throughout this conflict, Israel dismantled Iran's carefully constructed Shiite axis, devastated Hamas in Gaza, neutralized terrorist infrastructure throughout Judea and Samaria while preventing attacks, destroyed Hezbollah's capabilities, demonstrated complete superiority over Iran, and deployed the Israeli Air Force to inflict severe damage on nuclear facilities, missile installations and governmental targets. Assad's regime's collapse in Syria compounded the devastating blow to the Shiite axis. Israel now commands recognition as the Middle East's preeminent regional power, and this position of strength enables the pursuit of a Gaza agreement.

A Gaza agreement will secure international recognition of Israel's strength while demonstrating that Israel possesses both the courage to fight and achieve victory, and the courage and power to uphold its values while bringing its daughters and sons home.

The conclusion of the Gaza war will likely trigger dramatic developments across the broader Middle East. Abraham Accords expansion and commercial agreements among participating nations will accelerate Israeli economic development by decades. Iran, recognizing its precarious position, is deploying maximum effort to prevent any Israel-Hamas agreement, which serves as a prerequisite for the developing Saudi Arabian accord. Houthi missile launches and renewed Red Sea shipping attacks, combined with Hamas rocket fire and additional belligerent statements from Tehran, demonstrate Iran's comprehensive campaign to sabotage any agreement. At this critical juncture, moderate Sunni nations are observing Israeli actions while awaiting positive developments.

We confront decisive moments. International attention focuses on Doha, but critical decisions are being formulated in Washington. Israeli-American consensus to pursue Hamas negotiations and conclude the war will represent Israel's absolute triumph over the Shiite axis. Prime Minister Netanyahu, like President Trump, demonstrated the courage and audacity to initiate warfare – the time has arrived to exhibit comparable courage in pursuing its conclusion and securing the hostages' return. Victory belongs exclusively to the bold.

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Trump's Iran negotiations

adin — Thu, 17 Apr 2025 06:05:49 +0000

During his last visit to the White House, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was surprised to learn that the United States and Iran are beginning direct negotiations to try to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue diplomatically. Since President Donald Trump entered the White House, Israel and the US have held discussions at diplomatic and military levels on the Iranian nuclear issue, and coordinated attack plans were prepared by the two militaries, which also conducted joint exercises. The Americans presented a real military threat by deploying strategic bombers near the Middle East, advancing an additional aircraft carrier, numerous aircraft, and defense systems. The Diplomatic-Security Cabinet instructed the IDF to prepare for an attack in June, and there was a sense that we were close to a combined strike on Iran.

Last night, The New York Times reported that President Trump ordered Prime Minister Netanyahu during his last visit to the White House not to attack Iranian nuclear facilities – an attack that, according to the newspaper, was planned for this coming May – and to wait for the completion of negotiations between the parties.

In 2015, during President Barack Obama's era, Iran signed the JCPOA nuclear agreement with the five world powers and Germany, under which Iran's uranium enrichment program was limited and monitored, and a significant portion of sanctions on Iran were lifted. In 2018, President Trump, during his first term, canceled the agreement and imposed heavy sanctions on Iran. Iran responded by reducing oversight and increasing enrichment, reaching a significant amount of uranium enriched to a 60% level (very close to weapons-grade), and in terms of enrichment, Iran is essentially a nuclear threshold state. Upon Trump's return to the White House, the administration began a combined military and diplomatic process to address the Iranian nuclear issue. The administration, which continues to strike the Houthis in Yemen and presents a significant military threat to Iran, including the deployment of B-2 and B-52 strategic bombers on Diego Garcia island, offered Iran to begin negotiations before being forced to proceed with strikes on nuclear facilities.

The threat bore fruit, and last Saturday, negotiations began between Iran and the US on the nuclear issue. On the Iranian side, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi is leading – a professional diplomat and one of the architects of the 2015 JCPOA nuclear agreement signed during the Obama era. On the American side, Steve Witkoff is leading, not a diplomat but a businessman whose experience comes from the business world. Araghchi has experience in all nuclear issues dating back to 2015, issues that Witkoff will have to learn during the negotiations. Witkoff has a busy portfolio of missions – the Ukraine war, the hostages in Gaza, the agreement with Saudi Arabia, and, of course, the Iranian nuclear issue – complex missions, each requiring professional and managerial attention. The imbalance between the team leaders is noticeable and works in favor of the Iranian side.

An Iranian flag in Iran's Bushehr nuclear power plant, during an official ceremony to kick-start works on a second reactor at the facility on November 10, 2019. Photo credit: Atta Kenare/AFP

Iran enters these negotiations with its diplomatic and security situation at an all-time low. The Iranians, through great effort over many years, established a ring of fire around Israel with proxy forces that threatened the State of Israel and were supposed to deter it from attacking Iran and its nuclear facilities. In Operation Strength and Sword, the Iranian strategy collapsed. Hezbollah was severely hit, the Houthis are in a desperate state, the militias in Iraq are in a difficult condition, and Hamas is defeated in Gaza. Iran, for the first time, was forced to face Israel in a direct confrontation and failed. It turned out that Israel and coalition forces have excellent defense systems, while Iran suffered a severe attack from Israel that left it without air defense systems. Western superiority is clear, and Iranian military capability is very limited. The sanctions imposed on Iran have severely damaged its economy, and it is one step away from economic collapse.

In Israel, there is a conviction that Iran's difficult situation – remaining isolated militarily and diplomatically – represents a window of opportunity to strike the Iranian nuclear array. After months of preparations and discussions with US Central Command and Pentagon officials, the surprising announcement about the talks was received with disappointment in Jerusalem. An Israeli strike on Iran requires advance coordination with US Central Command, even if Israel intends to strike alone.

At the beginning of the talks, the American side's expectations from the conversations were unclear, and the only statements were "Iran will not be able to possess nuclear weapons." In recent days, Witkoff added several statements that did not add to the clarity and were criticized by various sources in the US. Israel has declared that it sees the Libyan model as the right goal, meaning supervised destruction of the entire Iranian nuclear project. In contrast, the Iranians are very clear and have declared that ballistic missile systems, as well as aid to resistance and terror elements, are off-limits. Regarding nuclear issues, they are willing to discuss the enrichment program but insist that enrichment for civilian needs must be allowed. The US must clarify its goals and set clear objectives for the negotiations. The objectives should be broad and include the enrichment system, the weapons group within which they develop military capability, the missile industry, and finally, the funding and assistance to terrorist elements in the Middle East. All issues need to be discussed, and each affects the other. Only a comprehensive plan that touches on all issues will be meaningful and can stop the Iranian nuclear program.

Last night's publication is part of the negotiations and serves to clarify to the Iranians that there is a real attack plan that Trump stopped at the last moment to conduct negotiations. Currently, two options are supposedly on the table – negotiations or extensive attacks on nuclear facilities. Failure of the talks, if it happens, does not necessarily require an extensive attack on nuclear facilities. An Israeli or American-Israeli focused but limited attack on a series of Iranian military targets could likely signal to Iran that the negotiating table is preferable to entering a war that would lead to an extensive attack on nuclear facilities. It is possible that negotiations under fire would be more effective and lead to the desired outcome. Israel needs to be prepared for such a possibility, and the IDF must be ready and prepared to attack Iran on short notice.

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Breach of agreement will not be tolerated

omrif — Sat, 25 Jan 2025 11:15:24 +0000

The people of Israel were glued to their screens today with excitement as four reconnaissance soldiers return home to their joyful parents and families. The agreement with Hamas prioritized the release of women before men and civilians before soldiers.

However, last night, when the list of names was transferred from Hamas to Israel, it was revealed, to our surprise, that civilian Arbel Yehud was not included in the list of returnees. Instead, a reconnaissance soldier will be released, bringing the total to four soldiers: Daniela, Liri, Naama, and Karina. Arbel's absence constitutes a blatant breach of the agreement.

The released hostages. Photo: Reuters

After a brief consultation at the Prime Minister's Office, it was decided not to disrupt the process and to allow the return of the four soldiers. However, it was also resolved that Israel will not overlook the violation regarding Arbel's non-return, and will address it subsequently.

This agreement with Hamas is part of the first stage, which entails the release of 33 hostages in exchange for hundreds of prisoners, some of whom have blood on their hands. On the 16th day of this phase, negotiations are expected to begin for the second stage, which aims to secure the release of all hostages in exchange for the Israel Defense Forces' withdrawal from all areas of Gaza and a cessation of the war.

Hamas is aware of the coalition crisis in Israel and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich's threats to dissolve the government. Consequently, Hamas is testing the limits of the Israeli government by deliberately creating crises to gauge its stance on the next phase of the deal.

Since the disaster of October 7, Israel has inflicted heavy blows on Hamas but has not succeeded in returning the hostages through military means, necessitating a negotiated deal. This agreement is taking place under difficult conditions and involves significant concessions from the Israeli government.

Hamas terrorists. Photo: Arab networks.

Hamas, for its part, will do everything in its power to demonstrate that it has not been defeated and still wields strength. It will repeatedly attempt to breach the agreement and embarrass Israel. The State of Israel must stand firm and ensure that the agreement it signed is upheld to the letter. If not, Hamas will exploit the situation to extract further concessions in the second phase of negotiations.

If Israel seeks to survive and bring all the hostages home, it must insist on its terms and make it clear to Hamas that agreements must be honored.

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Iran should be made to pay the price

ErezL — Sun, 19 Feb 2023 23:57:43 +0000

The world really needs to respond forcefully to the recent attack on the oil tanker in the Gulf of Oman – and to deter Iran from engaging in similar actions in the future. Though opting for such action is indicative of Iran's weakness, as it is unable to hit more significant Israeli targets, this very fact must be taken into account should Israel decide to target the nuclear facilities in Iran, and such a day is constantly drawing nearer.

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The current attack is apparently a response to the severe damage incurred by the plant in Isfahan, which the Iranians claim was attacked in late January by the Mossad. The Iranians, who blamed Israel for this, announced at the time that they would respond to this attack. Targeting civilian merchant ships, which indicate their position via the global AIS (automatic identification system) ship's tracking system, is a relatively straightforward operation.

The ship's location is known, and sending a drone from Iran to attack the target does not require a great deal of sophistication or complex operational capability. Having said that, Iran's response is still a severe act of terrorism, undermining global freedom of maritime navigation, especially when it involves a maritime channel through which a large percentage of global oil is transported, presenting a real threat to the supply of global energy.

The attack on an Israeli-linked oil tanker took place several days ago in the Gulf of Oman. The Pacific Zircon oil tanker, which flies the flag of Liberia, was making its way from Sohar Port in Oman to a port in Latvia, apparently to offload its cargo of fuels. The vessel was attacked by an Iranian Shahed drone.

In exclusive photos published by CNN, a hole of about one meter in diameter appears to have been made in the ship's structure, and remaining parts lodged in it were sufficient to prove that this was indeed an Iranian drone. This type of drone has been sold by Iran to Russia for use in their operations in the war against Ukraine.

Despite the damage, the ship continued on its way towards the port of Ventspils in Latvia. Evidence of this can be seen in the fact that immediately after the attack, a British Navy destroyer approached the tanker offering help, but the vessel announced that despite the damage incurred, the ship was still able to continue on its voyage and that there were no casualties.

In the same theater, a ship from the UAE reported that it too had been hit, and an additional drone might have taken part in this attack, which apparently hit a UAE vessel. Subsequently, the US Fifth Fleet and the National Security Advisor, Jake Sullivan, responded to the attack blaming Tehran for it.

Attacks on ships owned by Israeli citizens have been carried out on several occasions in the past. In July 2021, the oil tanker MT Mercer Street was attacked, and once again the attack was perpetrated in the Straits of Oman. The ship was Japanese-owned, and was operated by the Zodiac Shipping company, owned by the Israeli shipping magnate, Eyal Ofer. In that particular attack, the ship's Romanian captain was killed along with a British security guard, which led to extensive global condemnation.

Although this time, thankfully there was no loss of life, the world should not sit idly by and should respond with appropriate force and vigor to these Iranian acts of hostility.

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Israel's lack of response made Nasrallah pull a gun

Noga Martin — Thu, 28 Jul 2022 04:00:13 +0000

There is no doubt that Hezbollah is under pressure. The interview Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah gave this week proves that. Since the catastrophic explosion at the Beirut port in the summer of 2020, the Lebanese terrorist organization has seen its popularity wane steadily. In the last election, it lost some of its political power and now Nasrallah is trying to recoup the status of "defender of Lebanon" against Israel.

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Nasrallah sees the maritime border dispute between Israel and Lebanon and attempts to harvest gas from offshore deposits in Israel's maritime territory as an opportunity to flex his muscles and win the support of the Lebanese people.

When IDF forces pulled out of Lebanon in 2000, the two countries drew a land border with help from the UN that is known as the Blue Line. No agreement was ever reached about the maritime border, and attempts to bring in authorized surveyors failed. Immediately after the Israeli withdrawal, Israel declared that the maritime border would be an extension of the land border, starting at the Rosh Hanikra coastline. The angle at which the border extends affects the natural gas deposits discovered offshore, including Karish.

If the angle of the border were a little more to the south, part of the Karish gas field would lie to the north of it, and in Lebanese territory. Establishing the border is something that must be handled professionally, and it is currently under discussion, with mediation by the US, and it appears that an agreement will soon be signed.

In the interview, Nasrallah discussed these negotiations, to which Hezbollah is not a party. However, the group is trying to influence them by putting pressure on Israel. The drones it fired recently at the Karish gas rig were a signal that Hezbollah sees Karish as a red line and will attack it if the facility begins extracting gas. But Israel didn't respond to the drones, and Nasrallah saw that as weakness. In the interview, he underscored his threats and warned Israel not to start producing gas from Karish until a border was agreed on. In effect, he pulled a gun.

Nasrallah also said that Lebanon needed to produce gas from the offshore fields, or it would attack all the gas fields in Israel's economic zone, not only Karish. This is now Nasrallah sees things: he has identified the American weakness in the region, he has gotten a tailwind from the Saudis' cool response to US President Joe Biden at the Jeddah summit and the "meeting of lepers" in Tehran between Russian President Vladimir Putin, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi. He is also reading the Israeli political map and realizes that Israel is going into an election and has an interim government, so he dares to make threats and issue an ultimatum.

Israel needs to take Nasrallah's words very seriously. There is no need to panic, but the relevant systems should be in readiness for any scenario. Israel must finish the negotiations with Lebanon about the maritime border and enlist the US to help Lebanon produce gas north of the border in Lebanese waters, where there are most likely other fields.

Israel should continue to produce gas as usual from the fields in its economic zone, despite the threats, and be ready to eradicate any threat from Hezbollah.

Still, Nasrallah is mistaken in his interpretation of Israel's lack of response to the drone attack. Israel must make it clear that any challenge will meet with a disproportional response, and will attack costly targets in Lebanon itself.

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The best defense is a good offense

RachelG — Mon, 04 Jul 2022 08:15:25 +0000

On Saturday, the IDF's Barak 1 missile system intercepted three drones that had been launched by Hezbollah "on an intelligence-gathering mission" of Israel's Karish gas field.

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This is a historic interception because for the first time it showed that the system, which had been installed on navy ships many years ago, was operational, effective, and accurate.

During the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Israeli missile boats were targeted by 50 missiles daily, all of which were shot down by electronic warfare systems that had been installed on the vessels shortly before the war.

The Israeli Navy later concluded that in order to succeed in future battles, it needed to develop a missile system that would neutralize missiles as a generic system without the need for intelligence on the systems installed in the missile.

This is how the Barak missile project was born, which was developed in cooperation with two other navies. In the 1990s, the navy installed the system on its missile boats – as did the other countries involved in the development – but it never got to intercept a cruise missile or a drone, that is, until Saturday.

After the economic water declaration and the discovery of gas fields, Israel decided to task the navy with protecting its maritime zone and resources, which is how the integrated defense system came to be, which includes Sa'ar 6-class corvettes, advanced radar systems, Barak 8 system, and Protective Dome – the maritime version of Iron Dome.

Naval and air force teams have worked for years to create a single defense system that would protect Israel from such threats. We owe them our gratitude.

Hezbollah's threats to hit the gas rig, and by definition, Israel's energetic independence, put the navy on alert and led to these successes, but it is not enough.

Israel must respond to Hezbollah's attempt to spy on its gas field and target the terror group's drone system. This will deter Iran and the terror group from further attempts to fly drones over Israel's economic waters.

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Advanced landing capabilities improve Israel's ability to win

Noga Martin — Wed, 25 May 2022 07:40:59 +0000

This week's report that the Israeli Navy has acquired two new landing craft has raised again the question of how vital landing abilities are to the Israeli military, and how capable it is of utilizing them when the day arrives.

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Over the years, the Israeli Navy has carried out a number of amphibious landings on all fronts, including in the Suez Canal during the War of Attrition. The jewel in the crown of these actions came during the 1972 Lebanon War when an out-of-date fleet of landing craft dropped a brigade of paratroopers on the Awali estuary, under the command of Maj. Gen. Yoram Yair. The troops moved toward Beirut, behind the enemy's back. That night, I was in command of the warship that secured the southern flank of the landing, and we provided cover fire for the forces that had just reached the beach. The complicated landed was a success, and made an impressive contribution to the land maneuvers that followed.

After the war, the Israeli navy presented a plan to acquire new landing craft that would replace the outdated fleet, but encountered resistance in the General Staff, which decided not to fund landings, in effect putting a stop to them. Since then, the IDF has barely had any ability to outflank enemy forces through amphibious landings.

Years of knowledge and capabilities went to waste, until the concept of landings saw a revival in 2008. Then-IDF Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazy approved the acquisition of a few small landing craft for the Israeli Navy, ones that would allow landings on a small scale, but enough to revive the idea.

Marine landings are complicated, multi-branch operations that require complex planning and execution, but are achievable. The advantage of sending forces in from the sea, thus outflanking the enemy lies in the surprise, but can also help bring down the enemy's defenses and help shorten and win a war.

The main threats facing the Israeli Navy are Hezbollah's surface-to-surface missiles and drones. The Israeli Navy, which saw this coming, recently acquired Sa'ar 6-missile ships equipped with improved radar systems to detect high-trajectory fire, cruise missiles, and drones and intercept them using sophisticated missiles, providing cover for the forces. Today, the Israeli Navy can attack targets deep inland, and in cooperation with the Israeli Air Force, severely hamper the enemy's ability to fire missiles.

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