After giving its preliminary approval, and barring last-minute progress in deadlocked efforts to form a new government, the Knesset was set to vote for its dissolution later in the day and approve a March 2, 2020 election date already agreed upon by the two major parties.

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What had once seemed nearly impossible to many Israelis – a third visit to polling stations after inconclusive elections in April and September – carries a heavy economic price: it will be well into 2020 before a new budget is passed, which will mean months of cutbacks that could weigh on growth.

Neither Netanyahu's right-wing Likud party nor the rival Blue and White party led by former military chief Benny Gantz, won enough seats for a governing majority in the previous two contests on April 9 and Sept. 17.

Both men were tasked with forming a coalition, but failed. Each has blamed the other for the impasse, in which neither could agree on the terms for a rotating premiership.

Under Israeli law, since neither MK managed to win the confidence of the Knesset, this means that by Wednesday at midnight the Knesset automatically dissolves.

The only way to avert to this would be if someone gets the endorsement of 61 MKs to become prime minister, but both sides appeared to be hunkering down on Wednesday afternoon.

In the two previous national ballots, Netanyahu's opponents focused on the three corruption investigations against him that included allegations he dispensed favors to media barons in a push for more favorable media coverage.

But this time, Israel's longest-serving leader is running under the cloud of criminal indictment after charges of bribery, breach of trust, and fraud against him were announced last month.

Denying any wrongdoing, Netanyahu, 70, has accused legal authorities of attempting a "coup" aimed at ousting a popular right-wing leader. Critics alleged that Netanyahu was trying to undermine the rule of law and set an election campaign theme portraying himself as the victim of "deep state" conspiracy.

As prime minister, Netanyahu is under no legal obligation to resign as a result of the indictment, and while in office he can ask the legislature to grant him immunity from prosecution.

As caretaker premier, Netanyahu would remain in the post until a new government is formed – a process that could stretch months past a March ballot if what is likely to be tortuous coalition-building is taken into account.

Netanyahu, vowing to "win big" at the polls, has described himself as best-placed to deal with Israel's many security threats. He has cited challenges posed by Iran as the main reason why Gantz should rally to his call for a unity government.

An opinion poll on Israel's Channel 13 News on Tuesday forecast Blue and White would win 37 seats to Likud's 33 in the 120-member parliament, increasing the one-seat advantage it gained in the election in April.

But it also indicated that both parties could still struggle to secure enough allies for a majority coalition.

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On Sunday, Gantz and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held their first meeting since the Blue and White leader was tasked with forming a coalition. While neither side reported any progress toward a unity government, they agreed to meet again.

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During a Blue and White faction meeting on Monday, Gantz said that while he is willing to meet with and listen to the small potential coalition partners, such as Labor and the Democratic Union, "We will not let them dictate the national agenda. The good option is still a unity government with Likud. The worst is an election."

If Gantz fails to form a government by Nov. 20, Israel may find itself facing an unprecedented third general election in one year.

Party co-leader Yair Lapid said Monday that "a government can be formed within 48 hours. All that Benjamin Netanyahu needs to do is accept a rotation deal where he is second."

As the party's race to form a government continues, much has been said on the possibility that he would form a minority government with the support of the Joint Arab List, including by chief Likud negotiator Tourism Minister Yariv Levin, who said that Blue and White "has not ruled out the option" of inviting the Arab party to join its government.

Nevertheless, there seems some mixed messaging within Blue and White regarding the possibility of a minority government.

On Sunday, Blue and White MK Chili Tropper told Army Radio that "Blue and White will not establish a minority government with the support of the Joint Arab List." But senior Blue and White MK Ofer Shelah later said that "the option of a minority government still exists. If we are faced with the horrific ramifications of a third election – a breakdown in democracy, no functioning government for a year and the loss of the public's trust in its leaders – all options are on the table."

Given the fact that there seems to be some controversy within the Blue and White party about this, coupled with the fact that Arab MKs are not supportive of the idea, it's not surprising that Gantz explored a minority government from a different angle.

He also has toyed with the option of a minority government that would include Blue and White and Labor (39 seats combined), along with New Right's three seats and 16 from the ultra-Orthodox parties. That would give him 58 seats. If Lieberman, who refuses to join a coalition with the ultra-Orthodox, abstains, that would enable this government to pass. However, both New Right and the ultra-Orthodox have refused the idea outright.

As such, it appears that the only option left for a minority government would be one that would need the support of the Arab parties.

Levin said Monday that a minority government with support of the Joint Arab List "would be extremely dangerous for the State of Israel" and needs to be "avoided at all costs."

"I asked at the beginning of the [Sunday morning coalition negotiation] meeting whether the negotiations we are currently conducting are genuine or a cover for other negotiations that are underway with [Joint Arab List leader] Ayman Odeh to form a minority government that relies on the Arab parties," Levin told Israel Radio. "I was told explicitly that they keep all their options open and do not rule out that option."

Levin said that Likud would not join such a government, and that he believes it would be toppled quickly if it succeeded in being formed at all.

He expressed his support for a unity government in which Benjamin Netanyahu, and Blue and White leader Benny Gantz, both served as prime minister under a rotation agreement, but said such a government "does not leave out those who wear kippot or those who don't."

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In the minority government scenario, the moment Benny Gantz is given the mandate to form a government, he will bring in Labor-Gesher and the Democratic Union and will reach out to the Arab parties to garner their support for ministerial appointments, thereby giving himself a safety net if there is a vote of confidence and to help him pass the next budget. In that case, Gantz would have 57 votes for his government. If Lieberman doesn't oppose it – and instead chooses to abstain from the vote or skip it entirely – Gantz would have 57 votes in his favor, compared to 55 nay votes, meaning that Netanyahu would be ousted immediately. Even if his coalition didn't survive and we headed into another election, Gantz would be prime minister during the transition period, not Netanyahu.

Gantz would run while sitting in the prime minister's office and the public would have to get used to the fact that for the first time in a decade, another leader could take the reins without the country falling apart. On the other hand, the moment Gantz takes his seat as prime minister, he might be forced to call an election if he doesn't bring other parties into his government. A move like that would bust the bloc of the 55 MKs who support Netanyahu, as the smaller right-wing parties might start looking for ways to join the ruling party despite the change of leadership. Even in the Likud, a miraculous revolt could gain traction when the realization that Netanyahu is no longer prime minister sinks in and the battle to be next in line kicks off openly.

The alternative on the horizon

But although many would benefit from such a move, the chances of it succeeding – as of now – are slim to none. It's true that Lieberman isn't denying that he would support it, but at the moment of truth the chance that he will be part of any plan that involves the Arab factions is close to zero.

Lieberman wants Netanyahu out of power, but he isn't willing to sacrifice his own political fate to see that happen. His supporters go along when he talks about a unity government, even if it would hurt the Right, but if we are to have a narrow coalition, he would prefer one that comprises Blue and White and the Arabs rather than the Likud and the haredim. His followers might forgive him for the former, but not the latter.

The Arab parties themselves are hardly of a single mind. Gantz might be able to secure a show of support from Ta'al leader Ahmad Tibi and Hadash head Ayman Odeh (although the subject hasn't been broached); but not with Balad, which didn't even support him as the candidate to form a government.

In the case of a mandate transfer, we wouldn't be talking about support in the form of a recommendation to the president, but active support in a Knesset plenum vote to approve the ministerial appointments. If Balad refused to support the former, why would it agree to the latter?

Blue and White isn't in lockstep, either. The right-wing figures on the list, including Zvi Hauser and Yoaz Hendel, could refuse to be part of a minority government that rests on the support of Arab parties. Without them, there would be no majority to overcome opposition from the Likud and the right-wing parties.

In general, cracks are starting to form in Blue and White's party unity. Right-wing officials who are in contact with top Blue and White officials say that this past week, Gantz is starting to sing a new and unfamiliar tune.

According to the officials, in closed talks Gantz truly seemed to be wondering about joining a unity government with Netanyahu, with the latter taking the first turn in a rotation. They are saying that Gantz is sick and tired of Blue and White No. 2 Yair Lapid pulling the party backward and being unwilling to talk with Netanyahu at all, which could lead to a historic missed chance for Gantz to serve as prime minister two years from now, and possibly sooner. The only question is whether or not Gantz is built to withstand the attacks the media will fire at him for joining Netanyahu in a government, and Lapid could wind up leading the offensive.

If we take the option of a minority government off the table, we're back where we started – with the entire political system at an impasse following the election. This is a blockage that won't be cleared even if Gantz is given the mandate to form a government. The uncertainty is starting to have an effect. Politicians in the Likud as well as heads of other parties are starting to look for alternatives. The right-wing bloc won't break up yet, but they are slowly starting to extract themselves from the stranglehold they have on each other.

All for one

After former Likud minister Gideon Sa'ar announced he would run against Netanyahu in Likud primaries that, it turns out, weren't held, this week it was Foreign Minister Israel Katz's turn to announce the same thing. At an even in his sukka at Kfar Ahim, Katz made a speech in which he threw his hat into the ring, and informed thousands of Likud activists that he too intended to vie for prime minister in the post-Netanyahu era.

This wasn't the first time Katz has made the declaration, or even the second. He repeated that he would not run against Netanyahu, but would try for the party leadership only after the latter was no longer in power.

Meanwhile, leaders of the Ashkenazi haredi United Torah Judaism were looking around this week for a way to dial back their absolute refusal to join a government with Lapid. Naftali Bennett decided long ago that he would devote his energy not to demanding either a right-wing government or a new election, but rather to a unity government. He is busy getting his supporters used to the idea of him sitting with Gantz and Lapid.

The search for new horizons doesn't mean that the right-wing bloc is breaking up. It appears that everyone is laying the groundwork for the day after the hammer falls, but only if Netanyahu changes direction and decides to give up. If he decides to hold on, they'll all stay with him – stuck to him and to each other, whether they find themselves on their way into a government or over the edge of a cliff.

There is almost no risk of Netanyahu deciding to fight but not having any soldiers. In that sense, the alliance of 55 MKs who will oppose a narrow government is a kind of alliance in blood. All for one, one for all. Lieberman and Blue and White's demand that the prime minister disband his bloc and enter a unity government, and his refusal to comply, gives him points with his supporters and strengthens the bond between them all. But the true test will be when Gantz receives the mandate. Some think that not much will change, but there is little value in situational assessment in these mad times.

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But Netanyahu, facing a looming indictment on corruption allegations he denies, still has no clear path to a fifth term after emerging from the Sept. 17 ballot, the second this year, short of a parliamentary majority for his Likud party and its allies.

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Accepting the mandate from President Reuven Rivlin at a televised ceremony, Netanyahu said his chances of success were only marginally higher than those of Gantz, a former general who heads the Blue and White party.

In his remarks, Netanyahu seemed to envision a scenario in which he and Gantz would be able to take another stab at power-sharing once it became clear there was no way out of the current deadlock, save for a third election that few in Israel wanted.

"If I don't succeed, I will return the mandate to you and with the help of God and Israel's citizens and yourself, Mr. President, we will establish a broad national unity government down the line," he said.

Netanyahu, 69 and Israel's longest-serving leader, will have 28 days to form a coalition and can ask Rivlin for a two-week extension if necessary.

Rivlin, in his remarks, pointedly noted that he was under no obligation to grant his prime minister-designate that two-week extension to establish a governing coalition.

Nor did he commit to turning to Gantz if Netanyahu failed to break the current deadlock. Under Israeli law, Rivlin can assign the coalition-building task to any member of parliament he deems likely to succeed.

With final results announced on Wednesday, Likud has the pledged support of 55 legislators in the 120-member parliament, against 54 for Blue and White. The two parties failed to reach a coalition deal in talks launched on Tuesday.

Former Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman, a possible kingmaker, has been keeping his Yisrael Beytenu party on the fence since the Sept. 17 ballot, citing differences with Likud's ultra-Orthodox religious partners and Blue and White's left-wing allies.

"It became clear that neither Netanyahu nor Gantz had the 61 seats necessary to form a government," Rivlin said at the ceremony.

"Netanyahu's ability to assemble an administration is higher at the moment," the president said.

Rivlin had until next Wednesday to announce his choice, but the Likud-Blue and White unity talks showed no sign of progress.

A deal in which Netanyahu and Gantz would take turns as prime minister was widely mooted.

But in his campaign, Gantz pledged not serve in a government with Netanyahu, citing the Israeli leader's legal troubles.

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Following a deadlocked parliamentary election last week, a weakened Netanyahu reissued an offer on Monday to Blue and White leader Benny Gantz for a unity government, saying that neither had enough support from respective allies for a majority of 61 seats in the 120-member parliament.

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There was no sign Gantz would agree to a coalition with Netanyahu's right-wing Likud. Gantz cited looming corruption charges against Netanyahu in saying no last week.

Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, who will pick a candidate to try to build a coalition, has called for a unity government – but does not have the legal power to compel Gantz or Netanyahu to form one together.

On paper, Netanyahu now has a slim lead over Gantz in building a parliamentary bloc, with pledges of support from 55 members of a right-wing grouping to 54 for Gantz from left-wing and Arab parties. But it also means that neither has secured a governing majority of at least 61 legislators.

Netanyahu's slight edge might move Rivlin to ask him to try to build a narrow coalition if a unity government proves impossible. A nominee gets 28 days to do so, with a possible 14-day extension, before Rivlin can turn to someone else.

Gantz had appeared to have 57 backers but three of the Joint Arab List's 13 members on Monday withdrew support they had pledged to him a day earlier.

Likud won 31 seats to Blue and White's 33, near-complete results show.

Avigdor Lieberman, whose right-wing Yisrael Beytenu party won eight seats, would remain the kingmaker if unity efforts fail. In his meeting with Rivlin, he refused to commit to either Netanyahu or Gantz, citing his own policy differences with Likud's Jewish ultra-Orthodox allies and Blue and White's Arab backers.

It's complicated, even though there are only narrow policy differences between Netanyahu and Gantz on many important issues, such as relations with the United States, the regional struggle against Iran and the Palestinian conflict.

Both men appear to be more deeply divided on the composition of a unity government.

Gantz has called for a "liberal" administration, political shorthand for one that does not include Netanyahu's ultra-Orthodox partners. After the election, Netanyahu swiftly signed a new alliance with them.

And then there's the question of who would get the top job: Netanyahu, Gantz, or both men – on a rotating basis?

Left-winger Shimon Peres and right-winger Yitzhak Shamir set a historic example when they took turns as prime minister in a unity government from 1984 to 1988.

This time around, if a "rotating" power-sharing agreement is reached, it could be imperative for Netanyahu to serve as prime minister first.

Next month, Israel's attorney general will hold a pre-trial hearing at which Netanyahu can argue against the announced intention to indict the Israeli leader on fraud and bribery charges in three corruption cases.

As prime minister, Netanyahu, who denies any wrongdoing in the long-running investigations, would be under no legal obligation to resign if formal charges are filed. But any other cabinet post he might hold would not offer him that protection.

Netanyahu's supporters in the legislature have also pledged to seek parliamentary immunity for him against prosecution. Any unity deal with Gantz would likely have to address that issue.

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Netanyahu accepted the president's invitation immediately. About an hour later, Gantz said he would also attend.

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Under Israeli law, following a general election, the president must tap an MK to form a new government. The president must choose the MK who has the best chance of winning a confidence vote in the Knesset plenum.

In the Sept. 17 election, Blue and White and its allies got 57 seats, whereas Likud and its allies got 55. Yisrael Beytenu, which has remained uncommitted to any particular bloc, got 8 seats, essentially holding the balance of power.

On Monday, after Rivlin completed his consultations with Knesset members, it transpired that more MKs had recommended Netanyahu as the next prime minister. But despite this apparent victory, Rivlin has not designated Netanyahu as the next prime minister because Yisrael Beytenu could still deny him the votes in the Knesset if it partnered with Gantz or abstained.

Netanyahu sounded an upbeat note after it emerged that he had won the most support among MKs and could be tapped to form a government.

He called on Gantz to join him in a unity government, despite the Blue and White leader saying he would not sit with Netanyahu so long as he was facing three potential indictments on corruption charges.

"A wide unity government is the only feasible option," Netanyahu said."Let's have a frank discussion. We wanted to form a right-wing government but this was not within our reach," he said. "But Gantz also failed to win enough seats, so a unity government is the only option. We must resolve this impasse by meeting and talking, with an outstretched hand of reconciliation that would best-serve our nation."

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Writing for The New York Times, the Chairman of the Joint Arab List MK Ayman Odeh said the Arab parties were supporting Gantz because "the Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel have chosen to reject Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his politics of fear and hate, the inequality and division he advanced for the past decade." He further said that they were "ending Netanyahu's grip on Israel."

MK Ahmad Tibi, who is also in the Joint Arab List, further tweeted: "Today we are making history, we are going to do everything it takes to bring down Netanyahu."

Under Israeli law, following an election, the Israeli president must give the MK with the most support in parliament a chance to form a government. Since neither bloc won a decisive victory last week, it was not clear until Sunday who would get more recommendations.

But with Yisrael Beytenu refusing to recommend anyone, the Arab parties' support for Gantz could imply that they would vote with him during confidence votes, thus allowing him to swear in a government and to stay in power.

Arab parties have never officially joined an Israeli government, but they have occasionally struck unofficial agreements with the Left to help it win and retain power.

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While he neither claimed victory nor conceded defeat, his body language screamed that he knew that he had not won. His talk of working for the creation of a "Zionist" government rather than the "right-wing" coalition that he pledged to build in April when he thought he had triumphed was telling.

There will be no Likud-led coalition of the party's natural partners on the Right and among the religious parties. And that means the last chapter of the Netanyahu era is about to unfold.

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Despite the celebratory air in the Israeli media that is dominated by his foes, the prime minister isn't finished. If he can keep his party united behind him – no mean feat given the predatory ambitions of those who hope to succeed him – the outcome of the coming weeks of coalition negotiations is far from certain.

But with more than 99 percent of the vote counted – and with it looking like Likud will finish a close second to Blue and White in the competition to be the largest party in the Knesset – the idea of another Netanyahu-led government is far from the likeliest outcome.

If the Joint Arab List of anti-Zionist Arab parties breaks with precedent and recommends to President Reuven Rivlin that Blue and White leader Benny Gantz should be given a chance to build a coalition, it could set in motion a series of events that will mean a new prime minister.

The vote was not a straightforward victory for Gantz. The combined total of seats won by Blue and White and its smaller partners on the left is actually smaller than that of the right-wing religious bloc that pledged to support Netanyahu.

And when figuring in that Avigdor Lieberman's Yisrael Beytenu is, despite Netanyahu's claims that it is "left-wing," clearly on the Right in terms of its stands on security and economic issues, it's possible to assert that the Right still commands the support of the majority of Israelis.

Yet it's also clear that a majority of Israelis were not worried about the prospect of the post-Netanyahu era. In this election, the old categories of "Right" and "Left" didn't determine the outcome.

The consensus on the conflict with the Palestinians, in addition to how to deal with the threat from Iran and Hezbollah, credited to Netanyahu that he built over time is so strong that it actually undermined his chances of continuing in office.

This time around, Israelis were more focused on the conflict between secular and religious values, as well as the notion of whether or not it was time for a change at the top. In a very real sense, Netanyahu was undone by his own success.

His stewardship of the economy has enabled a period of tremendous growth and prosperity.

Israel's military dominance of the region is unchallenged. Just as important, Netanyahu was responsible for breaking down Israel's diplomatic isolation in ways that would have been unimaginable a generation ago.

He built an international coalition against Iran that has made allies out of formerly hostile Arab nations like Saudi Arabia and is making steady inroads in diplomacy among the once-hostile Persian Gulf and African nations.

The relationships he has forged with President Donald Trump, Russian President Vladimir Putin, and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi have created a singular moment in which it could be asserted that it was Israel's foes that were marginalized on the international scene, rather than the perennially isolated Jewish state.

Netanyahu's ability to maintain Israel's security without blundering into wars whose unintended consequences might be disastrous would also be invaluable in navigating the country through the coming years, during which tensions with Tehran and Gaza will continue to produce dangerous challenges.

His problem was that it wasn't possible to castigate his main opponent as a creature of the left that was discredited by the bloody failure of Oslo Accords.

Military experience has never been a decisive political advantage in a country in which most voters have themselves served in the army. But the notion that the chorus line of former chiefs of staff of the Israel Defense Forces could be dismissed as starry-eyed leftists was not a winning election strategy.

That's especially true since Gantz, and the Blue and White, spent both of the 2019 election campaigns trying to portray themselves as even tougher than Netanyahu on security issues, and just as willing to assert Israeli sovereignty over the Jordan Valley and the West Bank settlement blocs.

Rather than challenging the consensus on the peace process that Netanyahu had forged, Blue and White was an expression of it.

Lieberman's refusal to join any government with the ultra-Orthodox parties, and to demand a unity government between Likud and Blue and White – a tactic that nearly doubled his total of seats in the latest vote—also demonstrated that some voters who consider themselves right-wing on security were more interested in opposing the haredim and ending Netanyahu's reign.

In the wake of this setback and with a hearing scheduled next month on the corruption allegations hanging over him, Netanyahu may be hard-pressed to maintain control of Likud, let alone the right-religious bloc.

If Lieberman sticks to his demand for unity, and if Blue and White continues to refuse to join forces with a Likud led by Netanyahu, then it's hard to see how the prime minister survives.

Even if Netanyahu's unrivaled political skills enable him to outmaneuver his would-be successors within the Likud and temporarily block Gantz from building a Knesset majority, the idea that he can somehow snatch victory from the jaws of defeat and stay in office seems more like a delusion than a realistic scenario.

Netanyahu's moment on the Israeli political stage isn't quite over. But its last chapter has surely begun.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor in chief of JNS—Jewish News Syndicate. Follow him on Twitter at: @jonathans_tobin.

 Reprinted with permission from JNS.org.

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This is mainly because parties that competed in Tuesday's election chose to keep almost the exact same candidate lists after the 21st Knesset dissolved in May, barely a month after it was inaugurated.

The new Knesset will have only 28 women, compared with 29 in the outgoing Knesset. The 20th Knesset holds the record for the number of women legislators: 35.

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The Knesset will have 17 ultra-Orthodox MKs, almost all of them from the haredi parties, as well as nine legislators from the national-religious sector, which hail from various parties.

The Knesset will have 14 non-Jewish MKs and three members of the LGBT community, down from five in the current Knesset.

Three former Israel Defense Forces chiefs of staff will serve in the Knesset: Blue and White's Benny Gantz, Gabi Ashkenazi and Moshe Ya'alon. Apart from them, the new Knesset will have three former majors generals.

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Less than 1% of the more than 4.4 million votes remain uncounted, the committee said, and the results will be certified on Tuesday.

Barring some major discovery of voter fraud, this means that Blue and White and its allies on the Left (including the Joint Arab List) are expected to get 57 seats, whereas Likud and its right-wing partners (including the ultra-Orthodox) will get 55 seats.

Yisrael Beytenu, which has refused to support either ideological bloc and insists on a unity government, will get 8 seats.

The 22nd Knesset will be inaugurated in early October, after which President Reuven Rivlin will ask an MK to form a government based on his assessment on the support that legislator enjoys in the Knesset.

Currently, because no bloc has an overall majority of the Knesset, both Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Blue and White Chairman Benny Gantz could get tapped, although it is far from clear whether they will be able to assemble a governing coalition and win the confidence of the Knesset.

The process could drag on for months, especially if Rivlin's designated prime minister fails to form a government and a new MK gets the green light. However, Rivlin is most likely to pressure both sides to find a way to avert that scenario and work toward a unity government.

Yisrael Beytenu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman vowed on Thursday that he would not support Netanyahu. This means that Gantz could get the first shot at forming a government.

Lieberman said he would decide on Sunday on his preferred choice of prime minister.

Lieberman said that Netanyahu is no longer part of the Right because he has allied himself with "messianic" and ultra-Orthodox factions.

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