The investigation, conducted by Israeli gender and legal experts with partial funding from the British government, found that sexual violence was "widespread and systematic" during the attack that killed approximately 1,200 people. According to The Sunday Times, the report establishes that rape and gang rape occurred in at least six different locations, though most victims were "permanently silenced" – either murdered during the assaults or left too traumatized to speak.

The Sunday Times reported that the Dinah Project will be published Tuesday in Jerusalem, representing the most comprehensive documentation of sexual violence during the October 7 attack. The report draws from first-hand testimony of 15 returned Gaza hostages, a survivor of attempted rape at the Nova music festival, and interviews with 17 people who witnessed or heard the attacks, along with therapists treating traumatized survivors.

The project aims "to counter denial, misinformation and global silence" regarding what researchers describe as "one of the most under-reported dimensions of the attacks." The report states its mission "to set the historical record straight: Hamas used sexual violence as a tactical weapon of war."

"Clear patterns emerged in how the sexual violence was perpetrated," the report documents, "including victims found partially or fully naked with their hands tied, often to trees or poles; evidence of gang rapes followed by execution; and genital mutilation."

The documented attacks occurred at the Nova music festival, Route 232, the Nahal Oz military base, and three kibbutzim: Re'im, Nir Oz and Kfar Aza. The report reveals that sexual abuse extended beyond the initial assault locations.

"Sexual violence continued in captivity, with many returnees reporting forced nudity, physical and verbal sexual harassment, sexual assaults and threats of forced marriage," the investigation adds.

Professor Ruth Halperin-Kaddari, director of the Ruth and Emanuel Rackman Center for the Advancement of the Status of Women at Bar-Ilan University, initiated the project to "ensure recognition and justice for victims and survivors." She collaborated with Sharon Zagagi-Pinhas, an international law expert and former chief military prosecutor of the Israeli army, and Nava Ben-Or, a retired judge and former deputy state attorney specializing in sexual abuse cases.

The research responds to criticism of inadequate responses from international organizations like UN Women following reports of sexual violence by The Sunday Times and other outlets. The project also addresses questions raised by false claims from first responders and arguments that Hamas, as an Islamic organization, would not commit rape – despite examples from Islamic State and Boko Haram.

Some critics argued that the sexual violence issue had been "weaponized" by the Israeli government to justify its actions in Gaza. This criticism particularly affected Halperin-Kaddari, who had worked for years on international cases of sexual violence, including Yazidis taken as sex slaves by Islamic State and girls abducted by Boko Haram in Nigeria.

"We feel let down by other women round the world," Halperin-Kaddari said. "If the standard is to believe survivors and witnesses, there is no excuse to keep quiet. Yet in this case a different standard was employed and the victims were lost in politicization. The fact so many kept silent or even denied what happened was devastating and a grave failure of international human rights."

The project takes its name from the first rape victim in the Bible and Torah – Dinah, Jacob's only daughter, who was raped by Shechem, son of a prince. After the assault, Dinah's brothers circumcised and killed the men of his tribe and abducted their women, but Dinah's voice was never heard. Halperin-Kaddari explained that the project aims "to be a voice for those who cannot or can no longer speak."

Previous fact-finding reports by the United Nations special representative for preventing sexual violence, a UN independent commission of inquiry, and the International Criminal Court all found indications of sexual violence and gang rape. However, the Dinah Project introduces new evidence including first-hand witness testimony from 15 returned hostages who experienced sexual violence in captivity.

Among the hostages, only one has spoken publicly: Amit Soussana, a lawyer held for 55 days. Two of the hostages were male, and one had all their body hair shaved, according to the report.

Zagagi-Pinhas explained that "sexual violence need not mean rape — also forced nudity, forcing some of the hostages to strip and shower while being watched or trying to force them into marriage."

The researchers also interviewed a victim of attempted rape at the Nova festival who required 17 months to come forward. "We know from therapists there are more but they are still too traumatized to speak," Zagagi-Pinhas added.

The investigation included interviews with 17 people who witnessed or heard attacks, providing detailed descriptions of the violence. These witnesses included two brothers who hid under bushes and Tali Biner, a nurse who concealed herself inside a container. They described 15 incidents including gang rapes.

Additionally, researchers spoke with 27 first responders who described "dozens of cases in different locations" while analyzing forensic evidence from photographs and videos.

"What we found makes clear that sexual violence including rape and gang rape took place in multiple locations," Halperin-Kaddari stated.

"We found patterns of evidence," Zagagi-Pinhas added. "Women found dead, naked and mutilated — with gunshots in their genitalia — and tied to trees. The fact that the same things happened in three to six locations can't be coincidence but proof this was premeditated."

She reported that "dozens" of bodies of young women were stripped and some were tied to trees or poles. "Many of the witnesses we spoke to talk of the victims being shot and them still trying to rape a dead body," she said.

The report's primary objective is demanding justice, providing what Halperin-Kaddari describes as "a blueprint for how to secure justice in cases of mass atrocities when many of the victims are dead and it is impossible to point at a specific perpetrator."

"We see October 7 as a test case," said Ben-Or, the retired judge. "Authorities are used to seeking justice on an individual case but here we have mass cases and most victims were murdered or too traumatized to speak which creates profound challenges for establishing accountability so we needed to come up with a new legal framework and new ways to prosecute."

"Sexual violence in conflict is about destruction and dehumanizing a community so the idea you have to find a specific perpetrator who harmed a specific victim is irrelevant," she added. "To say 'When I joined Hamas I meant only to murder women and children, but I am very much against rape' is ridiculous. Everything that was done within the framework of the attack you are responsible for."

The report calls for the UN secretary-general to send a fact-finding mission in light of the testimonies and to include Hamas in the blacklist in the UN's annual report of those designated for using sexual violence as a weapon of war.

The post 15 hostages break silence on horrific sexual violence in Gaza captivity appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The unit, similar to the American government's National Security Agency in the Pentagon, is Israel's elite signal intelligence arm and has been credited with major successes in the ongoing war – including against Hezbollah and Iran – despite the major lapses during the run up to the Oct. 7.

The Hamas attempt to breach the unit came after an online cleaning services tender was posted for one of Unit 8200's facilities. Technical intelligence materiel seized in Gaza during later IDF activities revealed that Hamas had discovered this cleaning tender and used it as a potential pathway to access the Unit 8200 installation.

The tender was immediately put on hold and the IDF issued directives to strengthen protocols for military publications on public internet platforms.

The post How Hamas nearly breached Israel's Unit 8200 with cleaning crew appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

For those unfamiliar with the devoted fanbase, it's worth noting the scale of this phenomenon – Winds of Winter is the planned sixth book in the epic fantasy series A Song of Ice and Fire. This series became one of the greatest cultural phenomena of recent decades and served as the basis for HBO's acclaimed, award-winning television series Game of Thrones. The series follows dozens of characters in the fictional world of Westeros, where noble houses, dragons, magic, and political power struggles intertwine. It is renowned for its complex plot, dark atmosphere, and willingness to surprise readers by killing off main characters.

Since the release of A Dance with Dragons in 2011, the literary series has been stalled. Every blog post by George R.R. Martin and every interview became headline news. The fans, perhaps the most vocal, sharp, and demanding in the genre, gave him no rest – they demanded answers, created memes, podcasts, and forums dedicated to tracking any hint of progress.

George R.R. Martin himself did not hide his frustration, speaking openly about the burden and difficulty – "This book has become a weight on my life," he admitted more than once. In 2019, he wrote on his blog that if he didn't finish the book by the Worldcon in New Zealand in the summer of 2020, fans had "official permission to lock me in a small cabin on a remote island until I finish." This quote, half-joking, half a cry for help, became a symbol of the tense relationship between the author and his audience. Last year, he admitted – "A lot of people are already writing my obituaries. Maybe they're right," and described working on the book as a "logistical nightmare."

The delays were not solely due to the plot's complexity – George R.R. Martin became a public figure, a consultant for television productions, a writer of side stories, and a developer of spin-off series. All these pushed Winds of Winter to the sidelines, even in terms of his personal priorities. He admitted as much openly – "There were times when I made progress, but then other things captured my attention." Meanwhile, the television series overtook the books, created its own ending, and sparked massive controversy among fans. Many hoped George R.R. Martin would deliver a different, deeper, and more complex ending, one that would return the series to its literary roots. The public pressure only intensified, turning every small update into a media event.

Now, at last, there is a sigh of relief – George R.R. Martin announced in a live broadcast with Penguin Random House that the book is making significant progress, with over 1,000 pages already written, and it is expected to be the longest in the series. He did not commit to a release date but, for the first time in years, sounded optimistic, emphasizing – "I want to finish it right, even if it takes more time."

This news is a moment of genuine relief for the fan community and for George R.R. Martin himself. After years of delays, broken promises, and frustrating statements, there is finally a clear sign that the book has not been abandoned. For many, this is not just hope for a literary closure but also proof that George R.R. Martin has not lost his commitment to the saga that transformed the fantasy genre. After all the years of uncertainty, there is finally something to look forward to – and this time, it seems real.

The post Winter is coming! Fans rejoice over George R.R. Martin comments appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

The groundbreaking proposal centers on Sheikh Wadee' al-Jaabari, known as Abu Sanad, who leads Hebron's most powerful clan from the West Bank city located 19 miles (31 kilometers) south of Jerusalem. According to The Wall Street Journal, the sheikh declared from his ceremonial tent that "We want cooperation with Israel" and "We want coexistence" – words that carry extraordinary weight given his family's traditional influence in Palestinian society.

The signed letter, addressed to Israeli Economy Minister Nir Barkat, represents a dramatic departure from decades of Palestinian rejection of Israel's legitimacy. The Wall Street Journal noted that Barkat, a former Jerusalem mayor, has welcomed al-Jaabari and other sheikhs to his home and conducted more than a dozen meetings with them since February, demonstrating the serious nature of these diplomatic efforts.

The sheikhs' written proposal states that "The Emirate of Hebron shall recognize the State of Israel as the nation state of the Jewish people, and the State of Israel shall recognize the Emirate of Hebron as the Representative of the Arab residents in the Hebron District." This recognition goes substantially beyond any previous Palestinian Authority position and completely abandons the rejectionist stance that has characterized Palestinian leadership for generations.

The comprehensive peace plan includes immediate practical benefits, with the sheikhs requesting that Israel admit 1,000 Hebron workers initially, followed by 5,000 more. Sheikh Jaabari and another major sheikh confirmed that Barkat indicated this number could eventually reach 50,000 workers or more from Hebron. Employment in Israel provides crucial income for Palestinian communities, particularly after most work permits were suspended following the October 7 attacks.

The letter explicitly pledges "zero tolerance" for terrorism by workers, creating a stark contrast with "the current situation in which the Palestinian Authority pays tributes to the terrorists," according to The Wall Street Journal. This anti-terrorism commitment represents a fundamental shift from the Palestinian Authority's controversial payments to families of individuals who commit attacks against Israelis.

Barkat emphasized that traditional peace processes have failed, necessitating "new thinking" to address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The Wall Street Journal reported that he has been working with full knowledge of the Israeli government to explore these possibilities with the sheikhs. A senior Israeli source confirmed that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been supportive but cautious, monitoring how the initiative develops.

The 48-year-old Sheikh Jaabari presents a stark assessment of Palestinian statehood prospects, telling The Wall Street Journal: "There will be no Palestinian state – not even in 1,000 years. After Oct. 7, Israel will not give it." A second major Hebron sheikh who signed the letter and declares loyalty to Sheikh Jaabari agrees, stating: "To think only about making a Palestinian state will bring us all to disaster."

The Wall Street Journal reviewed documents showing that the plan includes establishing a joint economic zone covering more than 1,000 acres near the security fence between Hebron and Israel. The sheikhs anticipate this development will employ tens of thousands of workers, creating substantial economic opportunities for the region.

A Hebrew document obtained by The Wall Street Journal lists Hebron-area sheikhs participating in the emirate initiative. The first circle includes eight major sheikhs leading an estimated 204,000 local residents, while the second circle contains 13 additional sheikhs representing another 350,000 people. This represents a majority of the more than 700,000 residents in the area, with both circles having sworn allegiance to Sheikh Jaabari on this matter.

Sheikh Jaabari announced his intention to "cut off the PA" because "It doesn't represent the Palestinians." He explained that clans governed their localities for centuries before "the Israeli state decided for us. It brought the PLO and told the Palestinians: Take this." The 1993 Oslo Accord installed Yasser Arafat's PLO in the West Bank after the organization had been exiled to Tunisia following expulsion from Jordan and Lebanon.

The sheikh employed an Arabic proverb to criticize the Palestinian Authority's legitimacy: "Only the village's calves plow its land. This means that a person who lives for decades outside – what does he know about where the springs of water in Hebron are located? The only thing you – the PLO – know about Hebron is collecting taxes."

Four other Hebron sheikhs interviewed separately by The Wall Street Journal expressed even stronger condemnation of Palestinian Authority governance. "The PLO called itself a liberation movement. But once they got control, they act only to steal the money of the people," one major sheikh stated. "They don't have the right to represent us – not them and not Hamas, only we ourselves."

Another sheikh emphasized their desperate circumstances: "We want the world to hear our pain. The PA steals everything. They even steal our water. We don't have water to drink." The sheikhs credit Barkat with arranging for the mayor of Israeli settlement Kiryat Arba to construct a water pipe connecting to central Hebron, demonstrating the practical cooperation already occurring.

The Wall Street Journal reported that the sheikhs generally maintain good relations with Israeli settlers and noted that many Palestinians previously earned substantial incomes in the settlements. The plan breaks from the Oslo Accords' territorial division scheme, potentially allowing both the Hebron sheikhs and settlers to gain territory from Area C's open land.

Settler leader Yossi Dagan, who heads the Samaria regional council, confirmed his support for the plan and his collaboration in its development. "His father was a courageous leader who put his people first, and the son is the same," Dagan said about Sheikh Jaabari, noting their 13-year relationship. The sheikhs have also met with Israel Ganz, who leads the settlement council, and with whom Barkat has worked on potential territorial maps.

The emirates solution concept originated with Mordechai Kedar, an Arab culture scholar at Bar-Ilan University who brought Sheikh Jaabari to Barkat five years ago. Kedar has promoted the idea of Palestinian emirates for 20 years, envisioning the West Bank's seven culturally distinct cities governed individually by their leading clans. He first met Sheikh Jaabari's father, Sheikh Abu Khader, 11 years ago.

Kedar's analysis draws on regional patterns, noting that failing Arab states like Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Sudan, Yemen, and Libya represent "conglomerates of ethnic, religious and sectarian groups, with modern states imposed flimsily on top." Conversely, successful Arab states – Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE's seven emirates – "are each controlled by one family."

The scholar explained that "Al-Sabah owns Kuwait. Al-Thani owns Qatar. Al-Saud owns Saudi Arabia. Dubai has very little oil, but it's run by one family, al-Maktoum, so it can thrive." This family-based governance model contrasts sharply with the Palestinian Authority's attempt to create a national identity that supersedes traditional clan loyalties.

Kedar argued that the Palestinian Authority's nationalist project "failed, and the proof is Hamas," which prioritizes radical Islamic ideology over Palestinian nationalism. Meanwhile, the clan system has endured: "Somebody from Hebron – not only will he not move to another West Bank town because he will be viewed as a foreigner, but even in Hebron he will not move to another neighborhood that belongs to another clan."

Hebron's clans possess particular strength compared to other Palestinian cities. "Hebron is much more traditional, much more conservative, especially compared to Ramallah," Kedar observed. "Hebron will be the test case for this idea of the emirates." The initiative's architects expect Hebron to establish a precedent for change in other West Bank cities, potentially beginning with Bethlehem.

The Wall Street Journal noted that traditional clan legitimacy differs fundamentally from organizations like the PLO and Hamas. "Organizations like the PLO and Hamas try to construct their legitimacy on Jew-hatred and hatred of Israel. But the clans are legitimate by definition," Kedar explained. "They don't need an external enemy to frighten everybody to come under the aegis of an illegitimate ruler."

Sheikh Jaabari emphasized the Palestinian Authority's inability to provide security, stating that it "can't protect us, it can't even protect itself." His fellow sheikhs warned that the PA could permit an October 7-style attack on Israel, after which they expect the West Bank to resemble Gaza's current devastation. However, one prominent Hebron sheikh expressed optimism: "If we will get the blessing of honorable President Trump and the United States for this project, Hebron could be like the Gulf, like Dubai."

This vision aligns with former President Trump's May 13 speech in Saudi Arabia, where he presented Middle Eastern nations with a choice between becoming like Iran or like the Gulf states. The Wall Street Journal reported that the sheikhs have clearly made their decision in favor of the Gulf model.

The initiative's progress has faced timing challenges, with the first five sheikhs initially prepared to proceed at the end of Ramadan after signing the letter on March 24. Barkat requested delays while Israel focused on Gaza operations and then Iran, but he reminds Israeli officials that the sheikhs have risked their lives and operate on their own timeline.

Many additional sheikhs have joined since March, and the leadership expresses confidence in having numerical and military advantages over the Palestinian Authority. "The people are with us," one sheikh declared. "Nobody respects the PA, nobody wants them." The only delay factor is Israel's protective relationship with the Palestinian Authority.

The plan faces significant obstacles within Israel's security establishment. The Wall Street Journal reported that if the sheikhs' armed men take action, the question remains whether the Israel Defense Forces and Shin Bet security agency would oppose them. Barkat characterized this as a choice between "habit over reason," noting that "Since Oslo, 30 years ago, the Israeli security services have been instructed to work with the PA. It's all they know."

While the Shin Bet declined to comment to The Wall Street Journal, political and security sources indicated that the agency considers the Palestinian Authority crucial for combating West Bank terrorism and has internally opposed the sheikhs' plan. Concerns include potential violence or chaos in other West Bank cities where sheikhs lack preparation, and the IDF has also raised concerns.

Retired Major General Gadi Shamni, who commanded IDF Central Command from 2007-09, expressed skepticism about clan-based governance. "How do you deal with dozens of different families, each of them armed, each under its own control?" he asked. "The IDF would be caught in the crossfire – it would be a mess, a disaster." Shamni rejected the notion that "the national aspirations of Palestinians will disappear and you can deal with each tribe separately."

However, retired Brigadier General Amir Avivi, founder of the Israel Defense and Security Forum, offered a contrasting perspective. He characterized the Palestinian Authority as "the central incubator of terrorism, via school indoctrination and pay-to-slay salaries" and suggested the Shin Bet might reconsider when David Zini, Netanyahu's right-wing nominee, assumes agency leadership.

Avivi has met Sheikh Jaabari multiple times and considers him serious, particularly given his success in rallying numerous other sheikhs. "If Israel's position is that the PA can't be allowed to rule in Gaza because they're terrorists and they're corrupt, why are they OK to rule in the West Bank?" he questioned.

The sheikhs claim they can remove the Palestinian Authority from Hebron within a week or even a single day, depending on their approach's aggressiveness. "Just don't get involved," one leading Hebron sheikh advised Israel. "Be out of the picture." They believe Trump's support could secure Netanyahu's approval.

The clan leaders assert their capability and motivation to combat terrorism effectively. "We know who makes problems and who doesn't because we live in our land," one explained. Ideology and extremism threaten the tribal loyalty and economic pragmatism that undergird the sheikhs' authority.

The Wall Street Journal noted that critics might argue the sheikhs simply want to extract rents currently claimed by the Palestinian Authority. However, the competition's nature reveals the Palestinian Authority's weakness. An Israeli associate showed a video of Palestinian Authority Hebron governor Khaled Doudin complaining in a January 4 speech that the sheikhs' men fire at PA forces but not at Israel.

Palestinian Authority security forces already face restrictions in the sheikhs' neighborhoods and would risk their lives appearing there without prior Israeli coordination. A 2007 incident demonstrated the clans' power when Palestinian police killed a teenage Jaabari clan member. When the Palestinian Authority refused Sheikh Jaabari's father's demand to surrender the shooter, the sheikh's men seized the police station, burned 14 vehicles, and held 34 officers hostage.

The confrontation ended only when President Mahmoud Abbas capitulated, declaring the deceased teenager a martyr and providing lifetime compensation to his family. Since then, the Palestinian Authority has maintained diminished influence in the area.

When asked about concerns that his coexistence vision might be considered a betrayal of Palestinian aspirations, Sheikh Jaabari responded dismissively: "The betrayal was done in Oslo. You forgot, but I remember – 33 years of it," referring to false promises, violence, theft, and poverty despite billions in Western aid. "I believe in my path," the sheikh concluded. "There will be obstacles, but if we confront a rock, we will have iron to break it."

The post Palestinian sheikhs propose historic break from Ramallah to join Abraham Accords appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

This message has echoed through Netanyahu's recent engagements across Israel's security establishment, from IDF general staff headquarters to the Shin Bet, from the Police College to Fire and Rescue headquarters, and in meetings with Magen David Adom personnel. The prime minister is systematically preparing for what could prove his most consequential diplomatic mission since returning to office.

Netanyahu's upcoming Washington visit – his fourth since reclaiming the premiership – represents a dramatic departure from typical diplomatic expectations. Rather than tempering hopes or managing expectations downward, Netanyahu is deliberately elevating the stakes. "Exploiting success is no less important than achieving success," he emphasized this week, a philosophy that will guide his approach to these critical talks.

President Donald Trump awaits Netanyahu as a leader basking in the glow of strategic triumph. Trump's decision to authorize direct US participation in devastating strikes against Iran's nuclear infrastructure not only demonstrated unprecedented bilateral cooperation but also fulfilled his campaign promise to avoid prolonged regional conflicts. The American president successfully navigated between decisive action and escalation prevention – exactly the balance his critics said was impossible.

This diplomatic momentum propels Trump toward his broader Middle East objectives established before inauguration – comprehensive war termination and accelerated peace agreements. The convergence of military success and political opportunity creates a unique window for transformative regional arrangements.

The atmosphere surrounding next week's meetings combines urgency with opportunity, pressure with potential. Time constraints intensify as regional dynamics shift rapidly, while multiple strategic openings demand immediate attention. The agenda will encompass both tactical decisions and strategic declarations, celebrating shared victory while charting future cooperation.

American involvement in Iran operations has fundamentally transformed US-Israel relations, elevating the partnership to unprecedented levels. This development's impact on Israel's regional standing cannot be overstated, particularly given how it complements rather than replaces Israel's independent military achievements. The enhanced partnership promises expanded political dividends alongside military cooperation.

Yet enhanced partnership brings corresponding obligations, especially when American intervention appears to address existential threats through significant risk assumption. Trump's directive requiring Israeli aircraft recall from Iran missions following ceasefire violations illustrates these new dynamics. Such incidents preview potential friction points ahead.

Israeli accommodation on issues that might complicate Trump's agenda becomes increasingly reasonable given the transformed relationship structure. The principled response to such requests should remain positive, provided they don't conflict with Israel's fundamental interests.

However, forthcoming discussions could address core issues including Iran enforcement mechanisms, potential Palestinian Authority negotiations as Arab normalization prerequisites, Syrian security arrangements within broader political frameworks, and Gaza war continuation parameters. Trump's declaration that he will "be very tough with Netanyahu regarding ending the Gaza war" signals these complex negotiations ahead.

Netanyahu's primary challenge involves ensuring that reciprocal discussions remain within acceptable policy parameters while preparing for arguments that existing or future concessions enable greater flexibility on difficult decisions.

Gaza combat operations and hostage recovery

Current media reporting suggests meaningful progress toward a "limited arrangement" with Hamas facilitating ten living hostages' return alongside 18 bodies. The proposed exchange involves 60-day ceasefire implementation, IDF combat zone withdrawals, expanded Gaza supply operations, and terrorist releases according to predetermined formulas. While specific details remain unclear, the arrangement's most significant element appears to be American guarantees linking the ceasefire to complete war termination.

The American-envisioned conclusion encompasses several key components. First, comprehensive fighting cessation across all dimensions, with Israeli forces maintaining border positions and security perimeters. Second, complete hostage return – both living and deceased. Third, Gaza Strip governance through technocratic structures guided by Egypt, additional nations, and potentially the Palestinian Authority. Fourth, Hamas – though severely degraded – would lose official governmental control while maintaining substantial Strip influence. Finally, portions of Hamas leadership would face exile from Gaza.

Concurrently, voluntary emigration opportunities would become available for interested Gaza residents across multiple countries providing US commitments. Strip reconstruction would proceed contingent upon complete military capability dismantlement.

This framework appears theoretically sound for addressing Israel's primary concerns. However, considering Hamas's residual capabilities, continued high popular support levels, overseas leadership's resource mobilization capacity, and demonstrated recovery patterns, such arrangements would likely enable rapid organizational rehabilitation. These factors become more problematic when considering Hamas's leverage through remaining living hostages and Israel's constrained military options.

Assumptions that civilian governance transfer to internationally-guided mechanisms would prevent Hamas rehabilitation ignore existing Strip power dynamics. Such frameworks would more likely provide Hamas cover rather than confrontation from international oversight bodies.

Given these scenarios, political leadership should maintain complete war objective achievement while pressing Washington counterparts to target Hamas leadership operating from Qatar and Turkey, simultaneously advancing voluntary emigration initiatives.

Iran conflict's expanding scope

The Iranian confrontation has entered its opening phase rather than reaching conclusion. Operation Rising Lion successfully achieved all designated objectives, optimally accomplishing every feasible military goal within its operational parameters.

Iran emerges wounded, humiliated, and revenge-driven. Assumptions about Iranian passivity would be strategically dangerous. Alongside capability reconstruction efforts and operational lessons learned, Iranian leadership will pursue Israeli retaliation opportunities regardless of timeline requirements. Intelligence and security officials must operate assuming Iranian surprise attempts without restraint considerations.

The first issue requiring Israeli-American agreement is enforcement of Iran's activities. Israel must clarify that enforcement without agreement is preferable to agreement without enforcement.

President Trump has repeatedly declared that Iran will not have military nuclear capability. From Israel's perspective this is extremely important, but not sufficient. We must also talk about limiting ballistic missiles and precision weapons, through which Iran planned to achieve against Israel influence similar to that of non-conventional weapons.

Iran must not receive any relief or benefit to convince it to sit at the negotiating table. The international community still has the option to impose sanctions on Tehran through the snapback mechanism, and this should be activated.

Syrian strategic calculations

Syrian developments exemplify new reality dilemmas facing Israeli decision-makers. Israel confronts delicate strategic choices requiring careful balance between opportunity and risk. Excessive threat focus could eliminate rare opportunities for northern border reshaping and regional influence expansion. Conversely, "Oslo process" style concessions might enable dangerous Islamist threats in critical areas.

Israeli experience demands cautious approaches, particularly regarding security deployment modifications for various scenarios. This caution becomes essential when engaging regimes led by jihadist figures whose Western-friendly presentations lack authentic testing and may represent survival tactics rather than genuine transformation.

Golan Heights status discussions remain completely unacceptable. The only acceptable modification involves Syrian regime de jure recognition of existing arrangements. The Golan Heights constitutes Israel's strategic eastern defense line. Golan Heights retention without peace agreements surpasses peace agreements without Golan Heights control.

Any agreements must guarantee Israeli aerial and ground operational freedom throughout Syria for minimum decade-long periods, including proactive operations against hostile establishment attempts. Syrian regime limitations must prevent agreements or alliance participation enabling hostile elements' Syrian establishment or operational bases across territorial, maritime, and aerial domains. These restrictions prevent Syrian transformation into corridors or focal points for threats against Israel from regional or extra-regional sources. Syria must also face restrictions on developing, producing, or acquiring strategic threat weapons including nuclear, biological, chemical, missile, and precision capabilities.

Israeli demands should include Druze community security guarantees while positioning Syria as potential Palestinian Gaza emigrant destination following Trump initiatives. Syria's suitability stems from Arab identity, regional proximity, and historical connections. Given expected extensive reconstruction requirements for millions of Syrian citizens, Palestinian Gaza integration wouldn't create exceptional burdens. These arrangements should integrate Israeli, American, and Syrian coordination frameworks.

Effective enforcement mechanisms must anchor all agreements. Accumulated experience demonstrates that agreements without enforcement lack meaningful value.

Strategic partnerships with conditions

Saudi Arabian peace agreement opportunities – representing the Arab world's most significant player – reach unprecedented accessibility levels. Iranian nuclear program strikes and "axis" dismantlement, including Hezbollah collapse and Assad regime disintegration, create new Middle Eastern realities where moderate Arab states recognize Israel as solution rather than problem against extremist Islam. Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030 provides foundation for demonstrating this transformation.

However, Saudi-Israeli relationship establishment must never be conditioned on Palestinian Authority status improvements. Post-October 7 Israel cannot afford questionable adventure engagement. Abraham Accords removed Palestinian Authority veto power over Arab-Israeli relationship establishment, and this authority must not be restored. Palestinian statehood, regardless of border limitations, constitutes Israeli security threats.

Agreement, alliance, or economic profit considerations must not override strategic judgment. Saudi Arabian peace agreement significance cannot be exaggerated, yet not every price justifies such achievements.

The post PM rides Iran victory wave into pivotal Trump summit appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

According to information obtained by Israel Hayom, the planned center could accommodate at least 3,000 employees, with the project expected to unfold over several years.

This significant announcement comes from a company regarded as an international titan in the semiconductor industry, leading the charge in the global race for artificial intelligence advancements. NVIDIA's market value makes it as one of the world's largest and most influential corporations.

In its request for information, NVIDIA specified it is seeking a contiguous plot of land for purchase, ranging from 17 to 29 acres, with building rights for up to 180,000 square meters (1.9 million feet). The desired location is in northern Israel, near the company's existing offices in Yokneam, which currently house most of its local workforce.

The geographical boundaries outlined by NVIDIA include the area between Highway 67, Highway 73, Highway 781, and the Coastal Highway. The company emphasized that the land must be designated for high-tech use, with "high transportation accessibility" and proximity to major traffic routes and public transportation.

NVIDIA further stressed that the requested land must be available for immediate construction, purchase, and allocation.

The company's international stature lends particular significance to this real estate move. NVIDIA produces, among other things, the world's most advanced graphics processing units (GPUs), essential for training and developing AI models. Its H100 and A100 chips are considered the "digital gold" of the AI era, critical for creating advanced AI systems like ChatGPT or Claude.

NVIDIA's operations are at the center of geopolitical tensions between the United States and China in the realm of advanced technologies. The Trump administration imposed restrictions on the export of advanced chips, including to China, forcing NVIDIA to navigate complex economic and political pressures to sustain its rapidly growing global business, fueled by increasing investments in AI development.

In this context, NVIDIA's additional investment in Israel carries dual strategic importance – it strengthens the technological alliance between Israel and the United States while diversifying the company's development base in a region friendly to the Trump administration.

In 2023, NVIDIA's Israeli team developed the Israel-1 supercomputer using the NVIDIA Spectrum-X platform, also created in Israel. Last month, this supercomputer was ranked among the world's best in the prestigious TOP-500 list.

If realized, the new campus will complement NVIDIA's existing Yokneam facility and is likely to become the company's largest development hub outside the United States, further solidifying Israel's position as a leading global technology center.

The post NVIDIA plans massive tech campus in Israel, boosting AI innovation appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.