This week, that red line may face its biggest test in decades, with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's planned visit to Washington and the expected US approval for the F-35 deal to the kingdom.

The Americans have always viewed the Saudis as an important strategic partner, but the idea of supplying the stealth fighter – the only fifth-generation jet operated by any country in the Middle East (Israel) – was seen until recently as a line best not crossed. The reason is simple: the F-35 is no longer just a fighter jet. It is an intelligence, strike, and electronic platform that enables penetration into spaces that were previously impassable, and it is a source of security, diplomatic, and strategic power not only in the local arena but also in the broader regional balance of power.

The stealth fighter entered Israeli Air Force service as a result of a long, complex, and sometimes politically sensitive process. Although the F-35 was born as a large-scale international project led by the United States called JSF – Joint Strike Fighter, Israel was not included in the first group of countries that participated in it.

The main reason was that the Americans carefully examined the combination of industrial partnership and security sensitivity: Israel was not a producer in NATO frameworks, and it was known as a country that makes deep modifications to almost every air platform it acquires. From Washington's perspective, there was a need to carefully examine whether Israel's modification requirements would not endanger particularly sensitive technological components. Only at a later stage, after a prolonged process of secret coordinations and technological protection mechanisms, did Israel join as a special procurement partner and not as a full member in the JSF coalition.

The US president who essentially approved the sale of the stealth fighters to Israel was George W. Bush. His administration made the principled decision to allow Israel to acquire a fifth-generation jet, out of the understanding that the rise in regional threats – including Iran – requires Israel to have a significant qualitative advantage. The actual agreement was signed during the Obama administration, which continued this policy and gave the green light to the first order. Israel was indeed outside the circle of countries that contributed to the development of the tool, but it became the first customer in the world to receive Washington's approval for deep Israeli modifications in the avionics systems, electronic warfare, and connectivity.

The first Adir landed in Israel on December 12, 2016, at Nevatim Airbase, in a ceremony that made clearer than anything the significance of this acquisition for Israel. For the first time, the Air Force received a jet capable of entering almost any point in the Middle East with little warning, generating independent intelligence, and carrying out precise strikes with a level of survivability higher than that of any other tool. It gave Israel an advantage that is not only technological but also conceptual: the Air Force moved from an era where it had to "break into" enemy airspace to an era where it can operate within it with relative ease.

Since 2016, three batches of jets have arrived in Israel. Today, the Israeli Adir fleet numbers about 36 F-35 jets integrated into squadrons at Nevatim. The Israeli government has already approved the purchase of another 25 jets, which will bring the operational strength to more than 60 jets. There are also discussions about further expansion later this decade, among other things to ensure a response to new threats and the replacement of some of the veteran fourth-generation jets.

The combination of operational flexibility, stealth capability, unique Israeli electronic warfare modifications, and natural integration into national control systems created a new reality: the stealth fighter is no longer just a component in the Air Force but an overlay layer that gives Israel freedom of action that no one in the arena holds, and continues to shape Israeli combat doctrine even today.

In Israel, especially after Operation Rising Lion, the significance of this process is even clearer. In the campaign that lasted 12 days and spanned thousands of kilometers, the F-35 was the tool that changed the rules of the game. It enabled deep penetration into Iranian airspace saturated with radars, missile batteries, and electronic warfare capabilities without the need to open a route through a wave of preliminary strikes. It provided real-time intelligence, sensor fusion that creates a continuous battle picture, and surgical strike capability on targets essential to the nuclear program – and all this while maintaining almost complete stealth. Israeli pilots described how they saw Iran's defense arrays "waking up", if at all, only after the strike had already been completed. That was a moment that illustrated how much this tool changes reality, and how much the Israeli advantage on it is not only tactical but essential.

This is exactly where the Israeli concern lies. If Saudi Arabia indeed joins the select club that holds the American stealth fighter, the implication is not just another advanced jet in the region; it is a change in the basis of the balance of power. Not because Saudi Arabia is an enemy state, today it is seen as a potential strategic partner, but because the qualitative advantage is a resource that must be maintained over time, especially in a region where the balance of alliances can change in a few years, if not months.

Israel needs unique technological depth, one that cannot be closed in two or three years. And if Saudi Arabia is indeed equipped with the stealth fighter, it will be the first time an Arab country receives access to a technological generation equal to that of Israel. In the past, Saudi Arabia requested – and received AWACS and F-15 jets from the US, but Israel managed to impose certain restrictions on the Saudi jets, thereby leaving a technological advantage in its hands.

Supporters of the move argue that Israel holds an advantage of many years over any country that enters the deal now. They point to its extensive operational experience, the unique hardware and software modifications it has made, and the complementary capabilities – intelligence, communications, and logistical capability that other countries are still far from holding. The QME mechanisms (ensuring qualitative edge), they remind, do not erode in one day. But on the other hand, there are those in Israel who warn that these gaps are not a given. Technology is a dynamic matter, and from the moment the door opens, it is hard to return it to full closure.

In this reality, Mohammed bin Salman's visit to Washington becomes a top event. The US president's decision will not approve just a deal – it will define the contours of air supremacy in the Middle East in the coming decade. The fact that in Israel they use examples from Operation Rising Lion to gauge the significance of the stealth fighter only sharpens the tension: Israel knows very well what the F-35 allows it to do. It also knows what will happen the day these capabilities reach its large, wealthy, and ambitious neighbor.

Either way, the discussion is not about Saudi Arabia. It's about Israel, about a longstanding American commitment, and about the question of whether the era of Israeli exclusivity in the stealth domain is about to come to an end – or whether Washington will find a way to preserve the additional edge on which Israeli security policy has relied for three decades.

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The previously undisclosed 30-minute call was described by two people who either participated in or were briefed on the conversation, according to the left-leaning American newspaper. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss the private exchange.

Obama reportedly told Mamdani he was invested in his success beyond Election Day. The two discussed the challenges of staffing a new administration and creating a structure capable of implementing Mamdani's agenda on affordable housing, the sources said.

According to the report, Obama spoke admiringly about how Mamdani had managed his campaign, acknowledging his earlier political missteps but contrasting them with the relative lack of blunders in his current run.

"Your campaign has been impressive to watch," Obama told Mamdani, according to the sources. Although Obama has not formally endorsed Mamdani, consistent with his general policy of avoiding involvement in municipal races since leaving office, the conversation, their second since the Democratic primary, was seen as a significant signal of support. Many other Democratic leaders have kept their distance from Mamdani, a 34-year-old Democratic Socialist.

Obama offered to act as a "sounding board" if Mamdani wins and the two discussed tentative plans to meet in person in Washington, though no date has been set.

Meanwhile, Mamdani released a video Saturday in Arabic showing him eating kanafeh at a Palestinian restaurant in New York City, urging residents to vote for him while standing next to a booth draped with a Palestinian flag.

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The US president is in no way harming Israel. From his perspective, he sometimes saves it from itself. This occurred when he demanded halting the Israeli Air Force planes that were already over Iranian territory at the end of Operation Rising Lion; when he told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that the Gaza war had run its course and pressured him to adopt the plan to end it; and when he demanded reversing Netanyahu's decision on cutting aid supplies to the Gaza Strip two days ago.

As of now, it appears that in all three instances he was correct, and indeed a responsible adult was needed to prevent us from acting against our own interests. Because indeed the war against Iran should have concluded on day 12, and it was correct to adopt the 20-point plan. Regarding eliminating Hamas in Gaza – the IDF was given two years to accomplish this, and particularly in the Rafah area the damage to the organization was the most severe. Nevertheless, Hamas fighters emerged from the tunnels there. In other words, before we make the ceasefire collapse we must formulate an orderly plan for how to achieve the war objectives that have not yet been reached.

In the grand scheme of things, Trump was and remains the most pro-Israel president ever, by a tremendous margin from all his predecessors. Therefore, even if here and there he makes things difficult for us, the matters must be put in their proper prespective.

We must also remember that he is not the first. All US presidents from time immemorial have demanded that Israel stop, restrain or reduce various military moves that we needed. Moreover, compared to his predecessors Trump has even expected Israel to be significantly more aggressive than it was. This happened with the famous sentence "the gates of hell will open on Gaza." And of course, in his first ten months in office, that same Trump opened the warehouses and gave the IDF all possible armaments.

So even if he is mistaken, it is permitted and proper to respect his request. And let us tell the truth – apparently there is also no other choice. Against the Democratic presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, Netanyahu could fight because he received tailwind from their Republican rivals. On the other hand, when the MAGA president gives us a red card, we have no counterweight to hold onto. The reason for this is the severe damage to Israel's image in the US.

Our legitimacy oxygen has run out. In the situation that has been created, Israel and Netanyahu have no room for maneuver because we have been pushed into an PR corner. Extricating ourselves from it is therefore an urgent and critical mission. Because if we have a problem with Trump, how much more so will there be one with his successors, certainly if they come from the Democratic side but even if they arrive from the Republican camp.

Large and enormous forces from both left and right wings in the American discourse are working to weaken the alliance between the US and Israel. Unfortunately, they are playing against an empty goal.

From the prime minister down – everyone understands that a campaign for the gloal public opinion is required from Israel and the Jewish people. After all, our enemies in the world will only go and intensify their incitement against us, which will exacerbate the international legitimacy problem and further narrow the political room for maneuver. This, and not Trump's local "Don't," should therefore be Israel's central concern. If we do not open a campaign for consciousness now, in three years we will miss Trump's hugs.

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Trump tends to claim he ended the conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia, but in practice, the two have never been in a state of war. The dispute between them concerns the Ethiopian "Renaissance Dam" – a massive hydroelectric project that was built over approximately 15 years and recently inaugurated. Ethiopia sees it as key to economic prosperity, while Egypt and Sudan oppose it, fearing damage to the water supply downstream on the Nile. Donald Trump's involvement in the conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia primarily focused on brief American mediation regarding the dam issue during his first term, but it did not lead to a permanent settlement.

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The footage begins with Trump facing off against Obama in a dramatic setting, when FBI agents suddenly burst onto the scene and take Obama into custody. The clip then cuts to Obama in an orange prison jumpsuit, standing behind bars.

 

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A post shared by BikiniBottomNews (@realtalkingfish)

Trump captioned the jail scene with the phrase "No one is above the law." As expected, the video quickly triggered an uproar on social media. Former Vice President Kamala Harris posted a picture of Obama and urged users to retweet it if they trusted him, but was met with a flood of responses from users calling for Obama to be imprisoned.

Conversely, Instagram users denounced Trump's post as an attempt to distract from his ties to convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein. "A sitting president shouldn't behave like this," one user wrote. "He's doing everything he can to stop us from talking about the Epstein files. It's pretty pathetic."

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If you spent any time on Elon Musk's X platform on Thursday, you couldn't help but notice that Jennifer Aniston was once again trending in conversations. If you investigate why this happened, you'll trace it back to a rumor that started last year but gained momentum recently, when Michelle Obama chose not to attend former President Jimmy Carter's funeral or President Donald Trump's inauguration. Barack Obama attended both events alone, reigniting conspiracy theories on social media. And so, Aniston was trending because people revived last year's rumor that she was dating the former president. Jennifer Aniston herself has previously addressed these rumors, saying she met Barack Obama only once in her life and actually knows Michelle better than she knows the former president.

Why was Michelle Obama absent from these events? According to reports, the former first lady's decision to skip Trump's inauguration ceremony stems from her refusal to put on a false smile for someone she believes poses a threat to American democracy. However, Michelle's office did not provide a reason for her absence.

This decision only added fuel to rumors that Michelle and her husband are heading toward divorce after 31 years of marriage. Michelle's absence from these two events certainly raises questions. Perhaps this is also why when Barack posted birthday wishes on social media to Michelle, who celebrated turning 61, instead of silencing the rumors, he only reignited them.

Happy birthday to the love of my life, @MichelleObama. You fill every room with warmth, wisdom, humor, and grace – and you look good doing it. I'm so lucky to be able to take on life's adventures with you. Love you! pic.twitter.com/WTrvxlNVa4

— Barack Obama (@BarackObama) January 17, 2025

"Happy birthday to the love of my life," the former president wrote on X, attaching a photo showing the couple holding hands across a large table. "You fill every room with warmth, wisdom, humor and grace – and you look good doing it. I'm so lucky to be able to take on life's adventures with you. Love you!"

In response to the not-so-intimate romantic setup, one X user replied to Obama: "I wish you both the best. But posting a picture where you're so far apart from each other and smiling somewhat artificially, might indicate that the divorce rumors are true... Anyone agree?" Another asked: "Are you separated? Her smile looks fake."

According to sources, Michelle primarily resides at their Martha's Vineyard home, while Barack's base is in Washington. A flood of reports also claimed that the former president and first lady are navigating troubled waters in their marriage. However, it's important to note that neither Barack nor Michelle have directly addressed these rumors, though speculation continues to circulate.

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President-elect Donald Trump's transition team is formulating what it calls a "Maximum Pressure 2.0" strategy against the Iranian regime, according to a report in The Wall Street Journal. While Trump's first administration focused on harsh economic sanctions against Iran, his second term could include military measures, including the possibility of strikes on nuclear facilities.

One approach, as described by two sources familiar with the plan, involves increasing military pressure by deploying additional US forces, fighter jets, and ships to the Middle East. The US may also sell advanced weapons to Israel, including bunker-buster bombs that would enhance its capability to disable Iranian nuclear facilities.

An alternative path seeks to use the threat of military force, particularly when combined with US sanctions, to push Tehran toward a diplomatic solution.

"Anything could happen," Trump said in an interview with Time magazine published Thursday, noting there's a possibility the US could go to war with Iran, partly because Tehran had plotted to assassinate him. "It's a very explosive situation."

Several incoming administration officials have yet to express their views on the matter. Iran-related proposals may evolve as cabinet officials settle into their roles, classified information becomes available, and discussions with regional allies like Israel occur. Significantly, Trump tends to delve into details of foreign policy only when final options are presented and a decision is required, according to former Trump administration officials.

Trump advisers supporting the military option are primarily suggesting backing Israeli strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities like Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan, and even considering US participation in a joint operation.

Many Israeli sources express doubt about the chances of success for an independent Israeli strike, especially given that some facilities are buried deep underground.

Trump supporters argue that the first months of his second term will provide a rare opportunity to act against Iran's nuclear program while the regime is in a weakened position. This contrasts with recent US policy: the Obama administration pursued the 2015 nuclear deal, Trump withdrew from it and imposed economic sanctions, and Biden attempted to revive the agreement but faced Iranian rejection.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu took the stand Tuesday in his long-running corruption trial, revealing stark disagreements with then-President Barack Obama administration over Iran's nuclear ambitions and regional influence – disputes he described as central to his tenure during the period covered by the indictment.

In nearly three hours of testimony in the Tel Aviv District Court,  Netanyahu pushed back against prosecutors' portrayal of him as a leader preoccupied with media coverage and luxury gifts. Instead, he detailed high-stakes diplomatic confrontations that he said shaped Israel's security landscape.

"Obama made it clear to me that US policy was going to take a sharp turn against the ideas I believed in,"  Netanyahu testified, recounting his earliest interactions with the former US president. "He saw Iran not as a threat but as an opportunity and saw a vital need for us to return to the '67 lines and establish a Palestinian state here."

The testimony offered a rare glimpse into the diplomatic tensions that marked US-Israel relations during that period. Netanyahu recounted a particularly pointed exchange with then-Secretary of State John Kerry over security arrangements in the West Bank. According to his testimony,  Kerry dismissed Israeli security concerns by citing American training of Palestinian forces. "Kerry explained to me that my fear of placing security in Judea and Samaria in Palestinian forces' hands was unfounded because the Americans were training Palestinian forces and we could withdraw. Obama suggested I make a secret visit to Afghanistan to see how American forces were training local forces. I told him the moment you leave Afghanistan, these forces will collapse under Islamist forces, and that's exactly what happened."

During his testimony, Netanyahu described what he characterized as an ongoing battle with prevailing media narratives in Israel. "My positions forced me to be in constant struggle with the prevailing opinions in Israeli media and public discourse," he said. "To such an extent that they claimed Iran was just a whim – 'Netanyahu's spin.'"

Netanyahu added that he could have gained favorable media coverage by simply "moving a few steps to the left" but chose instead to maintain positions he believed were "essential to ensure our existence."

The corruption trial has taken on additional significance as it unfolds against the backdrop of Israel's war with Hamas. "A few days ago, something cataclysmic happened here," Netanyahu told the court, referring to the toppling of the regime in Syria. "It's an earthquake that hasn't occurred in a hundred years."

The court session also centered on his alleged lavish lifestyle, which allegedly violated Israel's laws against accepting gifts. "Absolute lies," Netanyahu said in response to allegations about asking for a constant supply of luxury items such as champagne and cigars. "I work 17-18 hours a day... It's around-the-clock work into the early hours of the night. There's almost no time to see family. I didn't see the children, and that's a hefty price to pay," he added, noting that his rare leisure time was spent reading history and economics books.

"I waited eight years for this moment," Netanyahu said at the outset. "To tell the truth. The truth, as I remember it, is important for justice's sake. There is no justice without truth."

Speaking about his motivation for public service, Netanyahu emphasized, "I'm not concerned with my future but with the future of the State of Israel. The mission I inherited from my grandfather, father, and brother – these are the things that have guided me."

"I'm managing a country and leading the State of Israel and the Israeli military at war," Netanyahu told the court, addressing the unusual timing. "I thought and still think that both things can be done in parallel... I believed that in the overall scheme of things, a balance could be found between the needs of the trial, which I recognize, and the needs of the state."

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Joe Lieberman may not have appeared to be a rebel at first glance, but this mild-mannered politician possessed a backbone of steel. As the first Orthodox Jew elected to the US Senate, he often acted as a bridge between Democrats and Republicans during an era of bitter polarization.

Bridging political divides

Imagine a Democratic presidential candidate choosing a Republican as their running mate. In today's political climate, that sounds outrageous. Yet, this almost became a reality in 2008 when Republican candidate John McCain considered selecting Lieberman as his vice president. Why would McCain partner with a Democrat? It was likely due to Lieberman's unique ability to bridge political divides.

Lieberman frequently collaborated with Republicans on significant issues, such as environmental legislation and welfare reform. His commitment to working across party lines was a hallmark of his political career, demonstrating that achieving goals often requires collaboration, even among those with differing viewpoints.

The first Orthodox Jew in the Senate

Lieberman's journey to the Senate was not just about politics but also about faith. As the first observant Jew in the Senate, he faced unique challenges. Observing Shabbat meant disconnecting from work for 25 hours each week, and attending events during Jewish holidays was often complicated. Some of Lieberman's political advisors expressed concern that his religious observance would impede his campaign. Yet, he viewed his Judaism as a source of motivation.

Throughout his political career, Lieberman maintained a daily practice of morning prayers, reflecting his commitment to his faith. This practice provided him with a sense of calm amidst the chaos of political life. Raised in an Orthodox home, he was instilled with the importance of Shabbat, which remained a priority even during his time in the Senate.

Lieberman's dedication to Shabbat was evident when he would walk for hours to the Capitol to vote on Saturdays, demonstrating his commitment to both his faith and his duties as a senator. His colleagues respected this unique aspect of his character, and it became a defining trait of his political persona. The Jewish value of tikun olam, or repairing the world, inspired him to address social issues head-on, from civil rights to environmental advocacy.

A commitment to social activism

Joe Lieberman's activism began in the 1960s, during a time of significant social upheaval in the United States. He was deeply affected by the injustices of Jim Crow laws and felt compelled to take action. In 1963, he marched on Washington, witnessing Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s iconic "I Have a Dream" speech.

Moved by the struggle for civil rights, Lieberman organized voter registration campaigns and publicized mock elections to demonstrate that Black Americans were indeed interested in politics. His efforts were not just about political activism; they were personal, stemming from a belief in justice and equality.

The value of debate

Another key aspect of Lieberman's approach to politics was his appreciation for debate. He grew up in a household that studied the Talmud, which encourages lively discussions, values diverse opinions, and is unafraid to engage in disagreements. This tradition is integral to Jewish culture, where debate and discourse are necessary to understand and interpret religious texts. Lieberman's ability to embrace disagreements allowed him to work collaboratively across party lines. He believed that productive disagreements were essential to democracy as long as they were rooted in good faith and mutual respect.

Staying true to his convictions

Lieberman's political journey was not without challenges. He often found himself at odds with his party, especially regarding the Iraq War. While many Democrats opposed the war, Lieberman remained a staunch supporter, believing that withdrawing would damage American credibility and security in the Middle East. He was willing to face backlash for his convictions, showcasing a rare form of political integrity in an era marked by partisanship.

Endorsing McCain

In 2008, as Barack Obama campaigned for president, Lieberman publicly endorsed John McCain, a decision that sparked outrage among some Democrats. He felt that the Democratic Party had shifted away from the principles he once valued. His endorsement was not just a political move; it was a reflection of his deep-seated beliefs about the country's direction. This decision led to calls for Lieberman to be punished by his party, but he remained steadfast. His willingness to prioritize principle over party loyalty was a hallmark of his character, earning him respect from colleagues across the aisle.

Legacy of Jewish observance

Most people remember Lieberman as a politician who came close to being vice president. However, his legacy extends beyond political titles. He demonstrated that devout Jewish observance could coexist with a successful political career.

Lieberman's journey teaches us valuable lessons about the importance of conviction, collaboration, and the ability to engage with differing perspectives. In a time when political divisions seem deeper than ever, his example serves as a reminder that it is possible to bridge gaps and work together for the common good.

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Former First Lady Michelle Obama and Former President Barack Obama delivered powerful speeches endorsing Democratic nominee Kamala Harris and criticizing Republican nominee Donald Trump at the Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Chicago on Tuesday, according to The Guardian. 

Michelle emphasized the "contagious power of hope" that Harris inspired. She acknowledged a recent sense of despair about the future, telling the audience, "To be honest, I'm realizing that until recently, I have mourned the dimming of that hope. Maybe you've experienced the same feelings, a deep pit in my stomach, a palpable sense of dread about the future."

Drawing parallels between her own family's experience and that of Democratic nominee Kamala Harris, Michelle highlighted the sacrifices made by Harris's mother, who immigrated to the United States from India. She praised Harris's readiness for the presidency, stating, "Kamala Harris is more than ready for this moment."

In a pointed rejection of exclusionary rhetoric, she declared, "No one has the monopoly on what it means to be an American. No one. Only Kamala Harris truly understands the unseen labor and unwavering commitment that has always made America great."

Without naming him directly, Michelle took several swipes at Trump. She alluded to the birther movement that Trump had prominently supported during Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign, which falsely claimed he was not a natural-born US citizen.

Contrasting Harris's background with Trump's, Michelle said, "She understands that most of us will never be afforded the grace of failing forward. We will never benefit from the affirmative action of generational wealth. If we bankrupt a business or choke in a crisis, we don't get a second, third, or fourth chance. If things don't go our way, we don't have the luxury of whining or cheating others to get further ahead. If we see a mountain in front of us, we don't expect there to be an escalator waiting to take us to the top."

In a moment that drew thunderous applause, Michelle quipped, "Who is going to tell him [Trump] that the job that he is seeking might be one of those 'black jobs,'" referencing a comment he had made about migrants taking "black jobs" as part of his pitch to black voters.

"Who's gonna tell him the job he is currently seeking might just be one of those Black jobs?" - Michelle Obama pic.twitter.com/tGFvVGMzpO

— philip lewis (@Phil_Lewis_) August 21, 2024

She then introduced her husband, who served as a powerful endorsement of Harris and a scathing critique of Trump. Barack's address was filled with energy and punctuated by chants, "Yes, she can!"

"We do not need four more years of bluster and bumbling and chaos. We have seen that movie before and we all know that the sequel is usually worse. America is ready for a new chapter. America is ready for a better story. We are ready for a President Kamala Harris," he said.

"This is a 78-year-old billionaire who hasn't stopped whining about his problems since he rode down his golden escalator nine years ago," he said. "It's been a constant stream of gripes and grievances that's actually gotten worse now that he's afraid of losing to Kamala."

"Most of all, Donald Trump wants us to think that this country is hopelessly divided between us and them; between the 'real' Americans who, of course, support him and the outsiders who don't. And he wants you to think that you'll be richer and safer if you will just give him the power to put those 'other' people back in their place. It's one of the oldest tricks in politics – from a guy whose act has gotten pretty stale."

"America is ready for a new chapter."

Barack Obama went after Donald Trump in his DNC speech: "We do not need four more years of bluster and bumbling and chaos. We have seen that movie before. And we all know that the sequel is usually worse." https://t.co/9IOH9sDL4F pic.twitter.com/FChlqhYScX

— ABC News (@ABC) August 21, 2024

 The former president accused Trump of seeing power as merely a means to his ends, citing the former president's desire for tax cuts benefiting his wealthy friends and his reluctance to solve immigration issues for fear of hurting his campaign.

Barack drew a stark contrast between Trump and Harris, describing her as "ready for the job" and "a person who has spent her life fighting on behalf of people who need a voice and a champion." The packed arena crackled with energy as America's first black president made a case for electing the first woman and first woman of color to the Oval Office.

In a call for empathy and understanding, Barack urged Democrats to listen to their political opponents. "We need to remember that we've all got our blind spots and contradictions and prejudices; and that if we want to win over those who aren't yet ready to support our candidate, we need to listen to their concerns – and maybe learn something in the process."

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