Arab and Western diplomatic sources indicate these conditions encompass shuttering all UN refugee agencies, chiefly UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees), across Palestinian Authority territories with particular emphasis on Gaza, while transferring complete responsibility for civilian needs to the Palestinian Authority itself. Israel further insists on transforming "refugee camps" into standard neighborhoods or towns, and abolishing refugee designation throughout Palestinian Authority areas.

Reports from i24NEWS revealed that Israel has positioned the termination of UN refugee agency operations as a prerequisite for IDF withdrawal from Jenin and Tulkarem camps, where forces have maintained presence for months. Diplomatic sources confirm this demand surfaced in Israeli-American discussions and conversations with European intermediaries including Tony Blair and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz during Monday's meeting.

Israel has simultaneously advanced its established requirements: complete Hamas disarmament, comprehensive Israeli security authority with unrestricted military operations even in Palestinian Authority-controlled zones, total demilitarization of Palestinian territories excepting lightly-armed police forces, meaningful curriculum overhauls in Palestinian Authority educational institutions from kindergarten through university eliminating antisemitic and anti-Israel materials, population-wide de-radicalization initiatives, genuine Palestinian Authority security operations against terror organizations, and additional measures. Israel views these as essential preconditions for accepting a process culminating in Palestinian statehood, as mandated by the Trump plan (the framework for Gaza's future governance and normalization) Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu endorsed.

During Monday's press conference following his session with Chancellor Merz, Netanyahu declared, "We believe pathways exist for advancing broader Arab peace and establishing workable peace with our Palestinian neighbors, but we refuse to create a state dedicated to our annihilation directly next to us. The sole principle we'll invariably maintain is Israeli sovereign security authority. We sidestepped the Palestinian Authority because it lacks peace commitment. Everyone claims they'll transform – I'm skeptical. They must cease indoctrinating their children in murdering Israelis and compensating terrorists."

Negotiations toward Phase 2

Diplomatic contacts have persisted toward an American announcement on commencing Phase 2 negotiations of the Trump plan (the framework for Gaza's future governance and normalization). The principal obstacle remains the unreturned body of the final fallen captive, Staff Sgt. Ran Gvili, a Yasam (Israel Police Special Patrol Unit) combatant killed battling Hamas terrorists on October 7 after neutralizing dozens.

Shin Bet Director David Zini traveled to Cairo last week, conferring with Egyptian counterparts on intelligence approximately pinpointing Gvili's location. Subsequently, Monday witnessed renewed searches in Gaza's Zeitoun neighborhood, conducted with Red Cross and Hamas representatives present.

Washington has pushed to announce Phase 2's commencement regardless of Gvili's recovery. Gvili's family petitioned Prime Minister Netanyahu against any advancement until Gvili's return. Family members report Netanyahu consented.

The Trump plan's Phase 2 encompasses Hamas's weapons dismantlement and governance transfer to an international civilian entity, paired with further Israeli withdrawal per security protocols. Hamas leadership has consistently proclaimed the organization won't relinquish arms, with internal disagreement on this matter, though even moderates reject complete weapons surrender.

Arab sources maintain that characterizing the situation as absent any transfer preparation progress misrepresents reality, asserting the incoming weeks will unveil the new governing apparatus designated for Strip authority, comprising an internationally-participated governing council alongside a bureaucratic administrative structure predominantly consisting of Palestinian Gaza residents, including former Palestinian Authority functionaries preceding Hamas's takeover.

Qatar seeks guarantees

Monday witnessed a noteworthy Washington meeting assembling Mossad Director David Barnea, Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, and a high-ranking Qatari delegate. This inaugural session in the reconciliation process represented the Netanyahu-Trump agreement's implementation. The initiative commenced with Netanyahu's White House call to Qatar's Prime Minister al-Thani during Netanyahu's late September Trump meeting.

The session established that within this US-mediated framework, monthly consultations will address contentious matters. Current agenda items encompass Qatar's Hamas member hosting, Qatari "mediation" that Israel contends yielded disappointing outcomes, and Qatar's insistence on Israeli pledges against territorial attacks.

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The departure of residents through the Rafah crossing will be possible via coordination with Egypt, pending approval by Israeli security officials and under the supervision of the European Union delegation, similar to a mechanism that was used in January 2025.

The political echelon's instruction comes even though not all the hostages have been recovered from the Gaza Strip under the Trump deal. Sergeant First Class Ran Gvili and Sudthisak Rinthalak are the last two deceased hostages remaining in captivity. Concurrently, the Red Cross is conducting search and excavation operations in the Jabalia area for deceased hostages.

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A Palestinian source told Israel Hayom Tuesday that the US and other international forces understand that the Palestinian Authority ultimately needs to take control of the Gaza Strip.

According to the source, the PA's participation in postwar arrangements would speed up that process and help facilitate it.

The remarks came after al-Sheikh's second meeting this week with Blair, who is slated to lead the international council as part of Trump's plan for the Middle East and the Gaza Strip.

The head of the PA's General Intelligence Service, Majed Faraj, and Mahmoud Abbas' diplomatic adviser, Majdi Khaldi, also took part in the meeting.

The Palestinian official told the Saudi newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat that al-Sheikh stressed to Blair the need for the PA to assume responsibility for the Gaza Strip as part of what he referred to as the Palestinian "state."

The two discussed the PA's role in Gaza through a technocratic committee and Palestinian forces that, from their perspective, are meant to deploy in the Strip.

On Saturday, Egyptian sources said that hundreds of "Palestinian security personnel" were ready to deploy in Gaza. Thousands of PA police officers are undergoing training in Egypt and Jordan.

The discussions also addressed the proposed international oversight body, the so-called Peace Council, and the question of international forces that would be stationed temporarily in the Gaza Strip.

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The organization's operation began on May 26 to make certain meals reached the local population and to prevent Hamas terrorists from diverting goods. GHF also noted the distribution of "more than 1.1 million packs of ready-to-use supplementary food (RUSF) for malnourished children."

The GHF executive director, John Acree, confirmed in a statement to Fox News Digital that the foundation's original objective – to address an immediate necessity and establish a successful alternative to prior failed approaches before handing it over to the wider global community – has been met. He believes that goal is now achieved, with the establishment of the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) and the renewed commitment of the international humanitarian sector. Acree further explained that international organizations and CMCC "will be adopting and expanding the model GHF piloted. As a result, we are winding down our operations as we have succeeded in our mission of showing there's a better way to deliver aid to Gazans."

Their mission, which was focused solely on feeding civilians, built a functioning new model that "worked, saved lives and restored dignity to civilians in Gaza," he said. Former US service members, humanitarians, local Gazan workers, and partners like Samaritan's Purse, were part of the dedicated team that "risked their lives to feed the people in Gaza amidst an active war conflict." Reports indicated that United Nations aid organizations, allegedly compromised by corruption and support for Hamas terrorism, resented the GHF's proven effectiveness.

The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation has faced numerous criticisms since May concerning its operations, including claims of Gazans being injured and killed at distribution points; United Nations agencies and other nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) also accused the group of using aid as a weapon. For instance, the commissioner-general of UNRWA demanded in July that the GHF be shut down, asserting it "provides nothing but starvation and gunfire to the people of Gaza."

Fox News Digital received confirmation from a private source in August that the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) are "actively helping the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation get food into the hands of civilians while UN agencies, including WFP and OCHA, through their unwillingness to coordinate with the IDF, are inhibiting the distribution of such aid." This private source's "accusation is delusional," according to Stéphane Dujarric, the United Nations secretary general's spokesperson, as he told Fox News Digital at the time. The GHF responded to Fox News Digital that it "repeatedly offered to help UN agencies secure and distribute their aid to meet the need in Gaza while preventing looting and diversion. During its entire four-and-a-half months of operations, not a single GHF aid truck was looted."

Attributing its success to "the Trump administration's call for innovation and early confidence in our mission, recognizing that American leadership, clarity of purpose and accountability to results are still the international gold standard," the GHF believes "American-led solutions and compassion work." The group's leaders affirmed that it will not dissolve as a registered NGO and is prepared to restart its mission "if new humanitarian needs are identified." Acree concluded, "What our team will miss the most are the friendships and camaraderie developed with thousands of Gazans, especially the women and children we served. In early July, as the food security situation in Gaza improved, our operations stabilized, and we experienced a major shift in winning over the trust of aid seekers to the point where our aid sites became local hangout spots for women and children interacting with our team on a daily basis. We will miss them dearly."

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These developments come as Ankara invests heavily in increasing Turkish visibility in Gaza via Turkish and Palestinian aid organizations. Turkish posters and flags are flying across the Strip, including on bulldozers clearing debris and searching for deceased hostages.

Trump has enlisted Turkey, alongside Qatar, as a lead partner in his initiative and views Ankara as the most effective lever over the Hamas terrorist organization. Erdogan has thrown himself into the task. He credits Turkey with persuading Hamas to accept, and begin implementing, the plan's first phase, and he wants what he considers proper payment for that achievement: a deeper Turkish presence, involvement and influence in Gaza.

Turkey's interest, and Hamas's

For Erdogan, that payoff serves two strategic aims. First, to elevate Turkey's status as a leading regional power that is actively shaping Middle Eastern geopolitics. Second, to hem in Israel, erode its regional standing and blunt its ability to advance Israeli priorities over Turkish ones. A clear example is the Israel–Greece–Cyprus strategic alliance, which Turkey see as threatening key Turkish interests in the eastern Mediterranean.

Ankara regards Israel as its most challenging regional competitor, chiefly in military terms but also in technology, and economically through the potential opened by expanding the Abraham Accords, including IMEC, the India–Middle East–Europe Corridor linking India and East Asia through Saudi Arabia and Jordan to Israel and on to Europe. Diplomatically, Israel's widening ties in the region and its special relationship with the US also come into play.

Backing Hamas and political Islam is one of Turkey's levers for asserting leadership of Sunni Islam in the Middle East. That logic drives Ankara's Hamas policy and its insistence that Hamas retain its standing as a relevant and influential political actor, not only in Gaza but in Palestinian politics more broadly. A significant Turkish presence in Gaza would allow Ankara to safeguard Hamas's vital interests, which by definition are also vital Turkish interests.

A winning combination

Influence in Gaza, coupled with Erdogan's closeness to Trump and the favor the US president shows the Turkish leader, creates what Ankara sees as a winning combination. Erdogan believes, and hopes, that this mix will enable Turkey to force a broad military presence in Gaza as a central pillar of the ISF. A Turkish military footprint in the Strip, reinforced by the growing dominance of Turkish civilian aid groups, could, in Erdogan's view, narrow Israel's room to maneuver and its operational freedom in Gaza, and thus its ability to act consistently, deeply and effectively against Hamas's reconstruction efforts.

Israel's understandable caution about harming Turks, together with Erdogan's sway over Trump to restrain Israel, gives the Turkish Armed Forces a chance to clamp Israel in a pincer, via Gaza in the south and Syria in the north. That is how the Turkish president could carve out and stabilize a strategic comfort zone that works to Israel's detriment.

Given these moves, and in light of Erdogan's hostility toward Israel and his open antisemitism, Israel would do well to keep firmly opposing any Turkish military presence in Gaza. It should act creatively and in close coordination with Washington, working with the Egypt–Saudi Arabia–UAE axis to minimize Turkey's role in the Gaza Strip.

At the same time, Israel should push to prioritize deeper involvement, military presence and influence by that counter-axis, which also sees Turkey and its maneuvers as a threat and a challenge. Above all, Israel needs to internalize the implications: if Erdogan succeeds in executing his broader strategy, Israel could find itself in a Turkish stranglehold, where Ankara sets the rules.

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In recent days, the US has introduced several changes to the draft based on feedback from the parties. Some changes benefit Israel, more strongly anchoring the commitment to disarm Hamas and demilitarize Gaza. Others, however, do not align with Israel's interests.

One of the most problematic changes is the removal of the sanction for removing international aid organizations that cooperate with terror. The original text of the resolution explicitly stated that "any organization found to have engaged in the misuse of such aid shall be deemed ineligible to provide ongoing or future assistance."

These words are missing from the new draft. In their place, it merely states the need "to ensure that such aid is used solely for peaceful purposes and is not diverted to armed groups." Critically, the sanction of suspending an organization whose employees were found aiding terror – as happened with UNRWA – has been eliminated.

On a more positive note, the revised text indicates that the IDF's withdrawal will be conditioned on full demilitarization and coordination with the US and Arab states. Per the new draft, the IDF's phased withdrawal from the Gaza Strip will only happen after agreed-upon standards for demilitarization and security are met. The text states the IDF will withdraw "in accordance with benchmarks and timetables to be determined jointly with the security forces, the guarantor states, and the United States," and that a limited Israeli security presence will remain to ensure terror does not return.

A new clause in the resolution mandates the international transition body (BoP) to submit a written report every six months to the Security Council detailing the progress of implementing Gaza's demilitarization on the ground. This step is intended to enhance transparency and oversight of the mechanism's work. Notably, a similar mechanism was supposed to operate for years in southern Lebanon through UNIFIL, but it failed to do its job.

Clause 7 of the draft resolution's new text includes direct coordination between the IDF, the Stabilization Force (ISF), Arab states, and the US. It stresses the international force's responsibility to prevent the restoration of terror infrastructure and ensure the Strip is demilitarized.

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According to American sources, the force's entry into Gaza is expected to occur in stages, with the most optimistic estimate placing the first phase before the end of the year. However, given that negotiations on the second stage have yet to be completed, it is unlikely to happen soon.

Israel Hayom has learned that Israel is assisting in outreach to several countries with which it has friendly relations, hoping to bring to Gaza reliable allied forces that will carry out their duties effectively. The Americans are counting on Arab participation from neighboring countries, but a Gulf official reiterated what was previously reported by Israel Hayom: as long as Hamas refuses to disarm, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE will not take part in such a deployment.

Disarmament mechanism

A security source familiar with the matter said that the Saudis and Emiratis are not alone in this stance and that other potential participant states also insist on at least a formal commitment from Hamas to disarm and on the establishment of a mechanism for carrying out that disarmament. These conditions make the American timeline appear overly optimistic.

Washington is advancing plans for a multinational force that would also include Palestinian "police" units recruited in Jordan and Egypt. The identities of these recruits are being screened by Arab and American security officials in an effort to prevent infiltration by Hamas supporters, though past experience suggests this effort will succeed only partially.

The US Central Command (CENTCOM) will assume full responsibility for the training and coordination of the ISF contingents, including, according to a report by the American website Axios, the Palestinian units as well.

Following the Oslo Accords, the Americans established a security body to train and arm Palestinian Authority police and security forces. Some of those forces fulfilled their mission, others did not, and some even turned their weapons on IDF troops, and in certain cases carried out terrorist attacks against civilians.

The establishment of the multinational force is expected to be anchored in a UN Security Council resolution. Egypt is pushing for a proposal that would allow the entry of such forces to replace withdrawing Israeli troops. Israel, however, opposes any withdrawal before negotiations on the next stage of the agreement are completed, chiefly the dismantling of Hamas' military infrastructure and the assumption of full security responsibility by the multinational force over the areas currently under Hamas control.

In practice, those negotiations have not yet begun, as Hamas violated its commitment to hand over the bodies of Israeli hostages killed in captivity. Eleven bodies remain in the Gaza Strip. As previously reported by Israel Hayom, more than half of them are in Hamas' possession and could be returned immediately. Hamas is demanding that talks move to the phase concerning Gaza's reconstruction, but that demand has support only from Turkey and Qatar.

The other countries involved are focusing on rebuilding efforts and laying the infrastructure for humanitarian zones in areas under Israeli control, which are meant to serve Gaza's residents during the reconstruction period.

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Indonesia has a longstanding history of contributing troops to international policing missions under the United Nations, including to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Israel has maintained close and longstanding relations with Azerbaijan across various fields, including security cooperation.

The move to deploy troops from these two Muslim-majority countries comes after Israel blocked Turkey's participation in the Gaza force. Israel Hayom has learned that the US accepted Israel's position, and Turkish forces will not take part in military operations in Gaza.

Israel Hayom has also revealed that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates declined to participate in the mission. Additionally, President Donald Trump has made clear that US troops will not enter Gaza. The idea of deploying Qatari soldiers to demilitarize Gaza was never considered, leaving Azerbaijan and Indonesia as the last viable options.

The process of coordinating the deployment of troops from Indonesia and Azerbaijan is underway but still in its early stages. One obstacle is Indonesia's insistence that any international force must be authorized by a UN Security Council resolution.

Talks toward securing such a resolution have begun. However, Israel remains wary of Security Council resolutions, citing bitter past experiences and the inability to enforce decisions effectively. At the same time, France is pushing to include the establishment of a Palestinian state in the proposed resolution, a step to which Israel is firmly opposed. Intense negotiations are ongoing among the involved parties in an effort to reach a mutually acceptable formulation.

There is skepticism in Israel about whether such a resolution could pass, and whether an international force—if formed—would be capable of carrying out its mandate. For now, the political directive to the defense establishment is to give the US-backed plan a chance. However, many believe that at some stage, Israeli military action will be necessary to achieve these goals.

Another unresolved issue under discussion is whether the IDF would retain operational freedom to act against Hamas threats in Gaza, similar to how it currently operates against Hezbollah in southern Lebanon.

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Netanyahu has also communicated reservations about Turkish companies participating in the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip – something Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan strongly desires. Nevertheless, on this aspect, advanced discussions are occurring with the Americans, though Israel's position remains extremely cautious.

An article published in Israel Hayom revealed that the new threats the prime minister mentioned in his Knesset speech refer to Turkey and Qatar's attempts to expand their regional influence. This refers to the desire of both countries, which support the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas, to be heavily involved in the future management of the Gaza Strip and in Syria.

Between Netanyahu and his advisors on one side, and President Trump and his team on the other, disagreements exist regarding the desired level of involvement of both countries. Trump himself favors Erdoğan and greatly values Qatar, while Israel identifies both countries as dangerous and destabilizing.

Meanwhile, according to senior officials in the Trump administration who spoke with The New York Times, concern exists that might renew a large-scale offensive against Hamas in the Gaza Strip.

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Haimi's family received notification on December 13, 2023, that he had been murdered on Oct. 7, 2023 after being classified as abducted since the Hamas attack.

Tal was a third-generation founder of Kibbutz Nir-Yitzhak and was connected with every fiber of his being to the kibbutz and served as one of the community's pillars. On October 7, Tal, part of the security team of his town, confronted the terrorists who had entered his kibbutz. He was murdered alongside his unit partner, Lior Rudaeff, and their bodies were abducted to Gaza. His family and friends recounted that he was always first to help, to lend a hand, and to bring calm and security to everyone around him.

Tal left behind his wife Ela, three children – 9-year-old twins and a 6-year-old son, his father Zahar and his sister Or. His wife was pregnant when he was abducted. In May 2024, she gave birth to their fourth child.

His family chose to conduct a funeral for him even before he was returned to Israel, when his wife Elah eulogized him: "My Tal, the thing most distant from you is that I would stand and speak in such a forum about me and you and us. But I must say goodbye. On October 7, part of me also died. Disintegrated. And now I need to rebuild. Trying to think about the life we had and what I am without you. After all, we were together more years than apart. I didn't go out to any challenge without you by my side. How much stability you brought into my life. You made me who I am. Everything they say about you – the quiet, the serenity, the composure and the wisdom – that's also what you were at home and many times over. The absence is enormous. You left me four gifts in your image. And I promise you here that this will be a happy home full of life."

She addressed her children and said: "Einav, Nir and Udi, your father was killed doing what he believed in more than anything – he protected us and the kibbutz, a kibbutz where he grew up and raised a family. He didn't hesitate for a moment when he left the house that morning."

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