New satellite imagery of the Natanz enrichment plant shows that Iran has in last week removed and dispersed nearly all of the "chillers" from the two HVAC buildings at the Fuel Enrichment Plant at Natanz," Albright wrote in a post on X.

New satellite imagery of the Natanz enrichment plant shows that Iran has in last week removed and dispersed nearly all of the "chillers" from the two HVAC buildings at the Fuel Enrichment Plant at Natanz. The 24 chillers in total are being dispersed throughout the inside of the…

— David Albright (@DAVIDHALBRIGHT1) September 1, 2025

Albright, one of the leading experts on the Iranian nuclear issue, explained that the Iranians are utilizing the interim period when the facility is not operational. "The purpose of this removal and dispersal being that they are of high value, and since there is no electric power due to the Israeli bombings, and the centrifuges are currently inoperable, this is a tactic to make the chillers less vulnerable to future aerial bombardment in the interim."

Recent satellite imagery of the Natanz enrichment plant shows that Iran has in the last week removed and dispersed nearly all of the "chillers" from the two HVAC buildings at the Fuel Enrichment Plant at Natanz. Nineteen out of 24 chillers in total have been dispersed throughout… pic.twitter.com/V6lYYAl6Jb

— David Albright (@DAVIDHALBRIGHT1) September 2, 2025

He stated that some of the chillers were positioned on helicopter landing pads, others were relocated to the water purification facility area, and the remainder were scattered in various places throughout the complex. This, in light of the fact that the US exploited the ventilation systems of the Fordo nuclear site in its effort to compromise the underground enrichment halls beneath the mountain when it bombed the site with B-2 aircraft.

Natanz, situated approximately 250 kilometers (155 miles) south of Tehran, formed the core of the Iranian nuclear program with around 18,000 centrifuges. The Israeli and American strikes inflicted severe damage on the facility. The International Atomic Energy Agency assessed at the war's outset that the impact on the surface facilities disabled the power grid and damaged the centrifuges in the subterranean halls. Subsequent American attacks later struck these halls directly.

The hurried evacuation at Natanz is taking place amid the escalating nuclear crisis. Since the war began, Iran has denied access to inspectors from the International Atomic Energy Agency who sought to visit the attacked facilities. This denial was a key factor that prompted Britain, France, and Germany last week to trigger the "snapback" mechanism, which will reimpose international sanctions within 30 days.

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The talks come after chief inspector Massimo Aparo, acting under the direction of IAEA Director General Rafael Mariano Grossi, failed to secure Tehran's consent to reinstate monitoring following the June war between Israel and Iran, three diplomats said to Bloomberg.

According to Bloomberg, the IAEA has become increasingly discouraged about prospects of returning inspectors since they were expelled during the June hostilities, a step that ended global monitoring of the scope and intent of Tehran's nuclear work.

Iran maintains that chemical and radiological dangers at bomb-damaged facilities make it impossible for inspectors to return. On August 11, Tehran told Aparo that visits might soon be allowed at unaffected sites, including the Russian-built nuclear power station on the Persian Gulf, but barred access to its main fuel facility, Bloomberg reported.

In remarks to the state-run Islamic Republic News Agency, Foreign Minister Abbas Aragchi said, "We have not reached the point of cutting off cooperation with the agency, but future cooperation will certainly not resemble the past." His comments were cited by Bloomberg.

IAEA figures compiled by Bloomberg show that the location of 409 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60 percent has been unknown since June 13, when Iran advised inspectors it intended to relocate the material to an undisclosed location. The failure to verify this stockpile has amplified questions about whether airstrikes destroyed Tehran's nuclear weapons potential.

Although satellite images suggest that parts of the enrichment system were "obliterated," as US President Donald Trump has repeatedly declared, Iran still possesses the material and the know-how to build nuclear arms should Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei decide, Bloomberg noted.

Tehran insists its nuclear work is not military, and both IAEA inspectors and US intelligence agencies have affirmed that no active weapons program has existed since the early 2000s, according to Bloomberg.

Diplomats told Bloomberg that the IAEA is preparing a portfolio of past inspector deployments in hazardous areas, including Japan's Fukushima nuclear disaster and war-torn Ukraine, to demonstrate that safety concerns should not prevent inspections in Iran.

The Washington consultations are set against a looming European deadline. EU powers have warned that unless Iran resumes negotiations and allows inspections by the end of August, they will seek to reimpose UN sanctions. Iran rejected the warning, calling it unlawful and cautioning it may withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, Bloomberg reported.

Absent a breakthrough, diplomats warned the agency's knowledge of Iran's program will deteriorate further. Last year, 274 inspectors carried out almost 500 inspections, keeping precise records of uranium, but many are now being reassigned, according to Bloomberg.

Financial strains are also growing. Member states are hesitant to provide additional funds, and one diplomat said questions are being raised about how the $23 million requested by Grossi for Iran monitoring would be used if no inspections occur, Bloomberg added.

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The Israeli Air Force has been conducting extensive training exercises simulating long-range strikes on distant targets, potentially in preparation for action against Iran. These drills come amid growing concerns that Tehran is exploiting Israel's current focus on the war against the Hamas terrorist organization in the Gaza Strip as well as against Hezbollah in Lebanon to accelerate its nuclear program.

According to reports obtained by Israel Hayom, the IAF has carried out several such exercises in recent weeks. These drills involve long-distance flights and operational activities targeting remote locations, incorporating refueling aircraft, transport planes, and additional units to prepare for potential operations in Iran.

The heightened focus on Iran stems from intelligence assessments suggesting Tehran is making "alarming and unprecedented" progress toward a military nuclear capability. This development has raised concerns within the security establishment, prompting the creation of an Iran department within the Air Force's operational headquarters during the ongoing war.

Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, in a recent meeting with US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin, emphasized the urgency of the situation, stating, "Now is the time to fulfill the commitment made by all recent US administrations: preventing a nuclear Iran – time is running out on this issue."

Israeli defense officials have long maintained that once Iran makes the decision, it could potentially enrich enough uranium for several nuclear facilities within a short timeframe, possibly as little as a month. However, for years, Israel had diverted resources from Iran-focused preparations to other defense priorities. It was only about two years ago that funding began to shift back toward readiness for operations in the "third circle" – a term often used to refer to Iran.

While Israel is enhancing its preparedness, there is an acknowledgment within the country that its ability to prevent an Iranian nuclear program is limited compared to that of the United States. As a result, the IAF is refining its plans while hoping that American intervention will ultimately deter Iran's nuclear ambitions.

The International Atomic Energy Agency has condemned Iran's lack of cooperation, to which Tehran responded by announcing an increase in the number of centrifuges at its Fordo and Natanz facilities, effectively planning to boost its enriched uranium stockpile.

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A draft resolution European powers submitted to the UN nuclear watchdog's Board of Governors on Monday for a vote this week presses Iran again to explain uranium traces found at undeclared sites and also covers issues such as its barring of inspectors.

The text seen by Reuters follows a resolution passed 18 months ago ordering Tehran to urgently comply with a years-long International Atomic Energy Agency investigation into those traces. The new text calls on Iran to cooperate without delay, including by letting the IAEA take samples if the agency needs to.

It also goes further, addressing problems that have arisen more recently, such as Iran's barring of many of the IAEA's top uranium-enrichment experts on the inspection team. It calls on Iran to reverse that step and implement a March 2023 joint statement that the IAEA saw as a sweeping pledge of cooperation.

"(The Board) Calls on Iran to provide sufficient cooperation with the Agency and take the essential and urgent actions as decided by the Board in its November 2022 resolution, to resolve safeguards issues which remain outstanding despite numerous interactions with the Agency since 2019," the text said.

Iran will react if the Board of Governors passes a resolution against Tehran, the semi-official Fars news agency quoted the country's nuclear chief Mohammad Eslami as saying.

The 35-nation Board of Governors meets quarterly and is one of the IAEA's two top policy-making bodies. The other meets only once a year.

Since that 2022 resolution the number of sites being investigated over the traces has been narrowed to two from three, but Iran still has not explained how the traces got there. The IAEA refers to that as "outstanding safeguards issues."

Britain, France, and Germany, known as the E3, are pushing for the resolution despite US concerns the move could lead Iran to respond by escalating its nuclear activities since Tehran has bristled at such resolutions in the past and taken such steps in response.

The E3 argue that Iran's continued lack of cooperation with the IAEA and its advancing nuclear programme make such a step necessary, diplomats say.

The E3 would not have submitted the text had they not been confident it would pass. Only Russia and China opposed the last resolution against Iran.

Iran is enriching uranium to up to 60% purity, close to the 90% of weapons grade, and has amassed enough material enriched to that level, if enriched further, for three nuclear bombs, according to an IAEA yardstick.

Western powers say there is no credible civilian justification for enriching to that level, and the IAEA says no other country has done so without producing nuclear weapons. Iran says its aims are entirely peaceful.

The text said if Iran failed to cooperate, IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi might draw up a "comprehensive" report, which would raise pressure on Tehran further.

"Continued failure by Iran to provide the necessary, full and unambiguous cooperation with the Agency to resolve all outstanding safeguards issues may necessitate the production, by the Director General, of a comprehensive and updated assessment on the possible presence or use of undeclared nuclear material," it said.

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 The US is pressing European allies Britain and France to abandon plans for Iran to be censured at the upcoming International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Board of Governors meeting in June for its lack of cooperation and prohibited nuclear activities, according to the Wall Street Journal, apparently to avoid disruption with Iran before the US elections this November. 

These divisions come as a new IAEA report revealed Iran's stockpile of highly enriched uranium has reached unprecedented levels. The UN nuclear watchdog stated on Monday that Iran's stockpile of 60% enriched uranium rose over 20 kg (45 pounds) in the last three months to 142 kg (313 pounds) – its highest level yet. US officials say that material could be converted into weapons-grade enriched uranium within days.

The rift exposes differences in approach that have emerged since the Trump administration withdrew from the 2015 Iran nuclear deal in 2018. Europeans were strong supporters of the accord, which lifted sanctions in exchange for temporary nuclear constraints on Tehran. They sought to preserve the deal even after the US exit, while the Biden administration made reviving the agreement a top priority upon taking office in 2021.

But those diplomatic efforts collapsed in August 2022 when Iran hardened its demands as negotiations faltered. Since then, US officials have sought to contain escalating tensions with Tehran. European diplomats now accuse Washington of lacking a coherent strategy and appear unwilling to either seriously engage Iran in new diplomacy or take punitive steps over its growing nuclear program.  

The divisions have raised alarms in European capitals that the window is closing to rein in Iran's atomic work through non-military means. There are increasing Western fears that Iran, already considered a nuclear threshold state, may be positioning itself to acquire weapons capability. While Tehran insists its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes, it has significantly reduced IAEA oversight and stonewalled investigations into previous undeclared nuclear materials and activities.

European diplomats argue that failure to censure Iran at the IAEA would undermine the agency's authority as the nuclear watchdog and erode Western credibility in confronting potential proliferation risks. They contend it is time to take a firm stand against Tehran's continued defiance of non-proliferation obligations.

But the US fears an IAEA censure could prompt Iranian retaliation and further limit inspectors' access, as occurred after a 2022 rebuke. With Russia and China likely to veto any push for new UN sanctions, a failed censure vote could deal a major diplomatic blow that emboldens Iran's nuclear intransigence.

#BREAKING Multiple EU countries including Germany are pushing to classify the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organization on the basis of a German court ruling, diplomats tell dpa.

— dpa news agency (@dpa_intl) May 27, 2024

The Biden administration argues that European powers could do more to economically pressure Iran, like cutting off its banks still operating in Europe and designating the Revolutionary Guards as a terrorist organization. The German dpa News Agency reported on Monday that Germany and other European nations are advocating for the EU to designate Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organization, as per a recent German court ruling. However, diplomats noted that "such a terror listing would be primarily a symbolic step because there are already EU sanctions" against the IRGC. For now, US officials recently held rare indirect talks with Iranian counterparts in Oman in a bid to reduce regional tensions.

Ultimately, experts suggest any censure of Iran's nuclear activities should be part of a broader negotiating strategy of both disincentives and incentives to alter Tehran's behavior. "The board needs to send a message that there are consequences for stonewalling," said Kelsey Davenport of the Arms Control Association. "But it needs to be part of a broader strategy to pressure and incentivize Iran to cooperate with the IAEA."

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Iran said Wednesday it gave new details to the United Nations about two sites near Tehran that inspectors say bore traces of manmade uranium, part of a wider probe as tensions remain high over the Islamic Republic's advancing program.

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The comments by Mohammad Eslami, the head of Iran's civilian nuclear program, come as Iran's 2015 nuclear deal with world powers remains in tatters and as Tehran enriches uranium closer than ever to weapons-grade levels. Resolving questions from the International Atomic Energy Agency could see Iran avoid further censure as an October deadline approaches that would lift international restrictions on its ballistic missile program as well.

Video: Defense Minister Yoav Gallant speaking on Iran / Nicole Laskavi / Ministry of Defense

Speaking after a cabinet meeting, Eslami said Iran had sent "detailed answers" to the International Atomic Energy Agency.

"If those answers are not accepted and there are any ambiguities or doubts, as we have always said, we will clarify and revise the documents," Eslami said in comments carried by state television. "We are now in that phase now, and we have given the IAEA more evidence and documents and will give more so that it can move past this issue."

The Vienna-based IAEA did not immediately respond to a request for comment from The Associated Press. However, Eslami's comments mark a change in tone as Iran has limited inspections, held surveillance footage, and taken years to respond to the IAEA after then-President Donald Trump unilaterally withdrew the United States from the nuclear deal in 2018.

Eslami did not name the sites, though the IAEA has identified them as Turquzabad and Varamin just outside of Tehran. At Varamin, the IAEA in a March report said that inspectors believe Iran used the site from 1999 until 2003 as a pilot project to process uranium ore and convert it into a gas form, which then can be enriched through spinning in a centrifuge. The IAEA said buildings at the site had been demolished in 2004.

Tehran insists its program is peaceful, though the West and the IAEA say Iran had an organized military nuclear program until 2003.

Turquzabad is where the IAEA believes Iran took some of the material at Varamin amid the demolition, though it said that alone cannot "explain the presence of the multiple types of isotopically altered particles" found there.

In 2018, the site became known publicly after Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu revealed it at the United Nations and called it a clandestine nuclear warehouse hidden at a rug-cleaning plant. Iran denied that, though IAEA inspectors later found the manmade uranium particles there.

The IAEA said in May it no longer had questions about a third questioned site called Marivan near Abadeh in southern Iran. In recent months, Iran has pledged to restore cameras and other monitoring equipment at its nuclear sites. That's as Iran's economy has cratered under international sanctions over its program.

Meanwhile, Iran likely wants to avoid any dispute at the IAEA as U.N. restrictions on Iran's ballistic missile program are scheduled to lift on Oct. 18. Those restrictions call on Iran "not to undertake any activity related to ballistic missiles designed to be capable of delivering nuclear weapons."

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The International Atomic Energy Agency will "never politicize" its work in Iran, the head of the international nuclear watchdog said Monday, insisting after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused it of capitulating to Iranian pressure that his agency has been "very fair but firm."

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Netanyahu's comments came after a confidential report from the IAEA last week said that its investigators had closed off their investigation of traces of man-made uranium found at Marivan, near the city of Abadeh, about 525 kilometers (325 miles) southeast of Tehran.

Analysts had repeatedly linked Marivan to a possible secret Iranian military nuclear program and accused Iran of conducting high-explosives tests there in the early 2000s.

"Iran is continuing to lie to the International Atomic Energy Agency. The agency's capitulation to Iranian pressure is a black stain on its record," Netanyahu told his cabinet in televised remarks on Sunday.

"If the IAEA becomes a political organization, then its oversight activity in Iran is without significance, as will be its reports on Iran's nuclear activity," Netanyahu said.

Asked on Monday about that criticism, IAEA Director-General Rafael Mariano Grossi said that his agency's work is "neutral, it is impartial, it is technical." "We will always say things as they are," Grossi told reporters on the first day of a regular meeting in Vienna of the IAEA board of governors.

Grossi added that he would "never enter into a polemic" with the head of government of a member of the IAEA. "We never politicize. We have our standards and apply them always," he said. "The politicization is in the eye of the beholder," Grossi added.

Israel considers Iran to be its greatest enemy, and Netanyahu has repeatedly said that he wouldn't allow Iran to develop a nuclear weapon. He has said international diplomacy should be accompanied by a serious military option and hinted that Israel would be prepared to strike Iran on its own if necessary.

Before Netanyahu's comments, Israeli Foreign Ministry spokesperson Lior Haiat said in a statement on Friday that the explanations provided by Iran for the presence of nuclear material at the Marivan site are "not reliable or technically possible." But Grossi insisted that the IAEA will "never, ever" water down its safeguards standards.
"We have been strict, technically impartial, and, as I like to say, very fair but firm," he said.

Analysts had repeatedly linked Marivan to a possible clandestine Iranian military nuclear program that the IAEA, the West, and other countries say was abandoned in 2003. They had accused Iran of conducting high-explosives tests there in the early 2000s.

Last week's IAEA report said that "another member state" operated a mine at the area in the 1960s and 1970s under the rule of then Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, without elaborating. Iran had argued the uranium traces could have come from "laboratory instruments and equipment" used by miners at the site. The IAEA called the answer "a possible explanation."

The IAEA is still seeking explanations on the origin and current location of the man-made uranium particles found at two other sites in Iran, Varamin and Turquzabad. Tehran has long denied ever seeking nuclear weapons and continues to insist that its nuclear program is entirely for peaceful purposes.

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The Diplomatic-Security Cabinet convened Sunday at the Kirya military base in Tel Aviv as part of an IDF drill simulating a multi-front attack on Israel.

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Speaking at the meeting, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stressed that Israel must be able to respond to a rapidly changing situation in the Middle East.

"The reality in our region is changing rapidly. We are not stagnating. We are adapting our combat doctrine and our possibilities for action in keeping with these changes and our goals, which are not changing," Netanyahu said. "We are committed to acting against Iran's nuclear [program], against missile attacks on Israel, and the possibility of these fronts joining up."

Dubbed the "Firm Hand," the large-scale two-week-long drill across the country includes the Air Force conducting simulated "strategic" strikes deep in enemy territory, as well as the Navy carrying out mock attacks and defensive actions.

The drill was pre-planned and did not stem from the recent security escalations.

PM Netanyahu: "This is the goal of the exercise. We are certain that we can deal with every threat by ourselves, and also by other means." pic.twitter.com/44ztIWhEkg

— Prime Minister of Israel (@IsraeliPM) June 4, 2023

Earlier, Netanyahu leveled sharp criticism against the International Atomic Energy Agency, following a report last week by the UN watchdog that Iran had given a satisfactory answer to explain one of three sites at which uranium particles had been detected.

"Iran is continuing to lie to the International Atomic Energy Agency. The agency's capitulation to Iranian pressure is a black stain on its record," Netanyahu told his cabinet in televised remarks.

The watchdog risked politicization that would lose its significance in Iran, he said.

The IAEA declined to comment.

A senior diplomat in Vienna said that the presence of the particles could be explained by the presence of a one-time Soviet-operated mine and lab in the arena, which is why the IAEA had no further questions.

In an apparent reference to this, Netanyahu said Iran's explanations were "technically impossible." In a 2012 UN speech, Netanyahu deemed 90% enrichment by Iran a "red line" that could trigger preemptive strikes.

Several weeks ago, Tehran made a sudden jump to 84% purity level, only to later claim it made a mistake and return to the original 63%.

i24NEWS contributed to this report.

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The renewed momentum toward a nuclear deal with Iran alongside new information on the scope of its enrichment and the decision by the international atomic watchdog to shut two outstanding investigations have had Israeli decision-makers on edge. 

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An Israeli diplomatic official told Israel Hayom that Israel was "moving closer to the decisive moments in the face of the nuclear threat posed by Iran; we will not let Iran have a nuclear weapon." The source made this comment after Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reacted to the International Atomic Energy Agency report on the status of Tehran's nuclear program and the state of the investigations: "I have a clear message to Iran and the international community: Israel will do everything it needs to do in order to deny Iran a nuclear weapon." 

Earlier on Thursday the Israeli Foreign Ministry slammed the IAEA for its decision to end the probe into two cases of undeclared nuclear activity, which have been a sticking point between Iran and the West on reviving the 2015 nuclear deal. 

Video: Prime Minister Netanyahu reacts to the to the latest Iran developments /GPO /

"The closure of the Marivan Iranian safeguard case by the International Atomic Energy Agency is a matter of great concern. The explanations provided by Iran for the presence of nuclear material at the site are not reliable or technically possible. Iran continues to lie to the IAEA and deceive the international community," Spokesperson Lior Haiat said on Twitter.

He continued: "The yielding of the Director General of the IAEA and the International Atomic Energy Agency to Iranian political pressure is very disappointing, mainly because the information in the file implicitly points to two faces of blatant Iranian violations of the inspection agreements. Closing the case could have extremely dangerous consequences, and it conveys a message to the Iranians that they are not required to pay a price for their violations and that they can continue to deceive the international community on their way to achieving a full military nuclear program. In addition, closing the case in this manner severely damages the professional credibility of the IAEA.

The two confidential quarterly reports by the Vienna-based IAEA, distributed to member states of the organization, said inspectors no longer had questions on uranium particles found to be enriched to 83.7% at its underground Fordo facility. That had sparked tensions over the last several months as uranium enriched to 90% is weapons-grade material. Iran had argued those particles were a byproduct of its current enrichment as particles can reach higher enrichment levels in fluctuations.

"The agency informed Iran that, following its evaluation of the data, the agency had assessed that the information provided was not inconsistent with Iran's explanation ... and that the agency had no further questions on this matter at this stage," the reports said.

The report said investigators also have closed off their investigation of traces of man-made uranium found at Marivan, near the city of Abadeh, some 525 kilometers (325 miles) southeast of Tehran.

Analysts had repeatedly linked Marivan to Iran's secret military nuclear program and accused Iran of conducting high-explosives tests there in the early 2000s. The IAEA reports seen Wednesday also referenced that "Iran conducted explosive experiments with protective shielding in preparation for the use of neutron detectors and nuclear material" at the site.

The report said that "another member state" operated a mine in the area in the 1960s and 1970s under the rule of then-Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. It wasn't immediately clear which nation was involved in the mining.

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Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer, National Security Advisor Tzachi Hanegbi, and his senior deputy Gil Reich are all in Washington for meetings with senior White House and state officials, ahead of critical decisions regarding Iran and Saudi Arabia. 

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Israel must not be confused about the priorities of what should be presented during the talks. It is very important to prevent a potential error in judgment (perhaps unintentional) and to make sure the United States understands that preventing a bad agreement regarding the Iranian nuclear program has not been relegated to second priority after reaching a deal with Saudi Arabia. The potential for damage is very severe.

The US and the clerical regime in Iran have recently held more talks, which included mediators from Oman, Kuwait, and others. These were aimed at reaching a nuclear deal known as "less for less", which is actually "much less for much more". Just reading the recent interviews of Robert Malley, the president's envoy to the negotiations with Iran, and Ali Vaez, his successor as the International Crisis Group's Iran project director, reveals that the discussions are serious. 

Despite these efforts, there is still the risk that the Israeli focus will be on a Saudi-American-Israeli deal, which in itself is very important. This could result in the effort to prevent a faulty temporary agreement with Iran, which will certainly become permanent, dropping to second place. 

There is a close connection between some of the components of a Saudi deal and proper handling of the Iranian nuclear program, and the right way is to try and tie them together and reach a deal that will be a win-win for Israel, and also for the United States, despite the latter potentially not viewing it this way. 

In the meetings held between the negotiators from the United States and Saudi Arabia, some Saudi demands were raised, most of which were not directly related to Israel, and the decisions regarding them must be made exclusively in Washington, taking into account the indirect effects on Israel and maintaining its qualitative edge. On the other hand, the demands related to independent nuclear capabilities are directly and worryingly related to Israel, Iran, and the entire region. On this sensitive issue, Israel must refrain from making mistakes.

According to open-source assessments and publications coming presumably from Saudi sources, Riyadh's main demands are as follows: security guarantees; advanced arms deals; getting the same status as a NATO ally; a free trade zone between the countries; reducing pressure on human rights issues; and more. Israel can live with all these demands if its qualitative military edge is maintained by the United States.

Regarding the "civilian" nuclear issues, the Saudis requested fully independent capabilities that would enable them to commercially tap their natural resources, including mining uranium and turning it into a "yellowcake", converting it to gas (UF6), and enriching it to the level required to produce nuclear fuel rods for power reactors (electricity generation), for domestic use and export purposes. The Saudis apparently demanded that the capabilities be exploited entirely on Saudi soil. They are unlikely to object to any monitoring and inspection required by the United States and the IAEA. It will be very difficult for Israel to accept these demands, as presented.

Saudi demands, of course, are based on the faulty precedent created by the JCPOA, which gave Iran expansive independent enrichment capabilities and advanced centrifuge R&D on Iranian soil. It is therefore possible to understand where Saudi Arabia is coming from in seeing these demands as legitimate, even if one does not agree with them. In their view, the Iranians, who violated every treaty and agreement they signed and deceived the world, received the right to independent enrichment, so why shouldn't they get the same? Understanding the Saudi argument is key to the solution that I will present to reach a win-win situation.

The rationale behind the alleged nuclear deal the US and Iran are working on is freezing Iran's progress – i.e. granting Iran de facto approval to enrich uranium to 60% – in exchange for the release of some of Iran's frozen funds (in Iraq and South Korea) and perhaps also the release of prisoners. Israel must clarify in advance what the dangers in this absurd deal are, and present strong opposition – even if it will harm the potential progress toward the very important Saudi deal.  

The absurdity in the emerging Iran deal is even magnified when you add up the time that has elapsed since the idea was first raised by the US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan and if you take note of the change in the fundamentals since then. America's overarching goal of having a one-year breakout period is no longer relevant; an agreement will result in that window total perhaps no more than a few weeks while giving the Iranians tens of billions of dollars that would enable the regime to recover economically and to continue financing terrorism.

Since the idea was first raised, Tehran has been massively enriching to 20% (this is the main problem, although everyone emphasizes enrichment to 90%, which is mostly semantic and declarative), and to 60%, and even "dabbled" in 84% enrichment, even though the IAEA is about to close this investigation file. Iran produces uranium metal, prevents the inspectors from accessing suspicious sites, and maintains all paths to the bomb.

The deal would legitimize Iran's violations and allow it to retain all the assets it has obtained through those violations. At the same time, the IAEA continues to close its investigation files on the Iranian issue. This could undo the agency's very raison d'être.

The agreement will allow Iran to continue in its development and manufacturing of advanced centrifuges, as well as give it permission to hold on to ballistic missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. It will also continue weaponization – the only thing that truly separates Tehran from having nuclear capability. Meanwhile, its true status will continue to be largely hidden.

The agreement will stop any activity against Iran's nuclear program by the United States, certainly in an election year, under the mistaken assumption that the plan is "back in a box", as Sullivan phrased it, and will prevent, or at least make it very difficult, for Israel to attack alone.

All this – while the Iranians attack American interests in the Gulf and in the Middle East, violate human rights and kill women and girls in Tehran, and continue their massive support for Russia by transferring advanced weapons that help kill Ukrainian women and girls.

Therefore, the correct and practically the only way to advance a Saudi deal that would help bring about normalization with Israel, overcome the issue of Riyadh's request for an independent fuel cycle, and take the bad deal with Iran off the table, is to have the Israelis – during their meetings in Washington – insist on triggering the snapback mechanism to the fullest extent against Iran, by reinstating all UN Security Council sanctions that were lifted when the agreement was signed, including a total ban on uranium enrichment. 

Such an American demand, even if it will not come to be in the end because of an Iranian objection, will pull the rug under the Saudis' enrichment demands, make it possible to move forward with a Saudi-American-Israeli deal, without the nuclear threat from Saudi Arabia, and open the door to joint Israeli-American action against the Iranian nuclear program.

Any American approval to give Saudi Arabia the right to enrich uranium on its soil – certainly if it will be without strong Israeli opposition and regardless of the level of supervision in Saudi Arabia and who will actually be responsible for the enrichment – will immediately trigger a similar demand from countries that have already received some civilian nuclear capabilities from the United States (the UAE, for example) while complying with the so-called "123 rules" that cover all dangers, and from other countries in the Middle East. A nuclear arms race will then begin.

A bad nuclear deal will once again inflict a heavy toll on Israel, so Israel must act against it in a loud and unified manner, even if the potential for advancing the Saudi deal, which is very important to Israel, is undermined in the process. This critical issue should remain the number one priority and must not be included in any Israeli political controversy. Sources inside Israel, official and unofficial, who express the opinion that even a bad agreement has advantages, such as giving Israel more time to prepare for a future confrontation with Iran, are wrong and misleading, and they also harm Israeli interests.

At the same time, Iran is trying to draw Israel into a multi-front confrontation and to remain, at least for now, out of real physical confrontation. Israel cannot allow Iran to get away with that, and at the same time, Israel must continue to improve its capabilities – military or otherwise. The Israeli message against an agreement with Iran must be crystal clear; any other form of conduct will send the message – especially to the Gulf states – that Israel is weak and cannot be trusted.

Brigadier General (res.) Jacob Nagel is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) and a visiting professor at the Technion's Faculty of Aerospace Engineering. He previously served as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's national security advisor and head of the National Security Council (acting).

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