Yet, Indonesia's president, leader of the world's largest Muslim-majority nation, broke ranks and said Israel's security must also be guaranteed as part of a two-state solution.

A message of peace and recognition of the Kingdom of Israel from the largest Islamic country. Thank you very much. President of Indonesia Prabowo Subianto pic.twitter.com/agjfALCXAF

— Abedalelah Almaala (@AbedAlmaala) September 23, 2025

Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani condemned Israel's strike on senior Hamas officials in Doha, calling it "a terrorist act." He said it was a "direct violation of our sovereignty and a breach of international law. We classified it as terrorism."

The emir claimed the attack was illegitimate, even if, as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu argued, it was aimed at fighting terrorism. "It undermines every political effort, an attempt to kill negotiators while they were discussing the American proposal," he said. "If freeing Israeli hostages were truly the way to end the war, why does Israel's government reject it? Because its goal is not only to free hostages but to destroy Gaza, to erase its existence."

He accused Netanyahu of pursuing the vision of "Greater Israel," meaning endless fighting and occupation. He added that Israel's actions against Qatar showed its willingness "to intervene wherever and whenever it wishes" and warned that Israel had become a threat to its neighbors. "Its leaders boast of blocking the establishment of a Palestinian state and openly declare they will do everything to prevent it," he said.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan opened his address by lamenting that Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas was absent, blaming a US ban on his participation. "I call on all states that have not yet done so to recognize the State of Palestine," he said.

Erdogan accused Israel of carrying out a "continuing genocide" in Gaza for "more than 700 days." He held up photos of Gazan women queuing for food and a starving infant, declaring that "two- and three-year-old children without arms and legs are a common sight in Gaza. Children's limbs are being amputated without anesthesia. This is the greatest moral low point of humanity."

He charged that Israel was expanding its aggression beyond Gaza, "attacking in Judea and Samaria, Syria, Iran and Yemen, threatening regional security." Referring again to the Doha strike, he said Israel had "recently attacked a delegation meeting in Qatar to discuss a ceasefire – Israel's leadership is utterly out of control." Erdogan accused Netanyahu of rejecting both peace and hostage releases, saying his government, "guided by the idea of Greater Israel, is threatening regional peace."

Jordan's King Abdullah II invoked the post-Holocaust vow of "never again," reminding the Assembly that it was founded 80 years ago with a commitment to learn from history. "The world swore: never again. And yet, almost throughout this time, Palestinians have lived in a cruel cycle of 'again and again,'" he said.

Describing the Palestinian reality, he said: "Bombarded indiscriminately… again and again. Killed, wounded, maimed… again and again. Displaced and dispossessed… again and again. Denied their rights, their dignity… their very humanity… again and again."

He called the Israeli-Palestinian conflict "the world's longest unresolved conflict," denouncing it as "the illegal occupation of a defenseless people by a self-proclaimed 'democratic nation.'" He said the Gaza war represented "one of the darkest moments in the history of this institution."

Abdullah lashed out at the Israeli government's "provocative calls for what they term 'Greater Israel,' which could only be realized through blatant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its neighbors." He asked whether similar rhetoric from an Arab leader would have been met with "the same global indifference."

He said the international community must "end the illusion that this government is a viable partner for peace," charging that Israel's actions "are deliberately dismantling the very foundations on which peace could stand, burying the idea of a Palestinian state."

The king insisted that security could come "only when Palestine and Israel live side by side," calling for "a viable, independent Palestinian state with East Jerusalem as its capital, alongside a secure Israel at peace with its neighbors."

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto, who had surprised observers in June when he said alongside French President Emmanuel Macron in Jakarta that Indonesia would recognize Israel if it recognized a Palestinian state, repeated that message in his first speech to the Assembly since taking office.

He said Indonesia "will never remain silent while Palestinians are denied justice and legitimacy in this very hall" and condemned Israel's actions in Gaza.

But in a striking departure from the line of other Muslim leaders, Subianto declared: "Palestine and Israel must both be free and independent, safe and secure from threats and terrorism. But we must also, also, recognize, respect and guarantee the security of Israel. Only then can we achieve real peace. Real peace. No more hatred and suspicion. The only solution is this one: the two-state solution."

He even offered to contribute "20,000 or more of our sons and daughters" to serve in a multinational force to help secure peace in Gaza or elsewhere in the Palestinian territories under a two-state arrangement. He closed his speech with the word "shalom" in Hebrew, along with greetings in other languages.

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The Bridges Security Authority urged travelers to monitor official updates regarding the crossing's closure and reopening.

Last week, Jordan condemned the terrorist attack at the Allenby Crossing, calling it a violation of the law and a threat to Jordan's interests and its ability to provide assistance to the Gaza Strip. The Jordanian Foreign Ministry said at the time that the kingdom's security agencies had launched an investigation into the circumstances of the attack. The ministry added that Jordan rejects all illegal actions that run counter to its interests.

Meanwhile, Najmi Mhanna, head of the Palestinian Authority's General Authority for Crossings and Borders, said Israel had informed him that the crossing would be closed in both directions starting Wednesday. He urged residents and travelers to follow official announcements for updates.

A Palestinian source told Arab media that international organizations had also been notified of the closure. According to the source, the message, which was sent via mobile text, stated: "By decision of the Israeli prime minister, beginning September 24, 2025, and until further notice, the Allenby Bridge Crossing will be closed to passenger and cargo traffic."

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Video: The terrorist attack on September 18, 2025 / Yoni Rikner

The attacker was a driver of an aid truck who had been tasked with delivering goods to the Gaza Strip from Jordan. Israel is looking into the possibility that he was a soldier in the Jordanian military. He also stabbed his victims after shooting them. It was not immediately clear if there were any other perpetrators.

Video: The attack on the Allenby Crossing in September 2025 / Credit: social media

Paramedic and Red Cluster coordinator at MDA Bosmat Lubiner and MDA emergency medic Amit Weiss reported: "We arrived at the location with large forces and joined the security forces at the crossing. They led us to 2 men who were unconscious with gunshot wounds on their bodies while initial medical treatment was being provided to them. We continued the medical treatment, which included performing resuscitation efforts, but in the end, we were unfortunately forced to pronounce their deaths. The terrorist was neutralized by security forces."

The Allenby Crossing has very minimal military forces stationed on a daily basis, with most of the activity handled by the Israel Airports Authority security personnel. It is the main crossing point between Israel and Jordan for non-Israeli citizens and for Palestinians in Judea and Samaria.

Exactly one year ago, in September 2024, a shooting attack was executed at the Allenby Crossing by a Jordanian terrorist who was a truck driver who had arrived at the crossing. As recalled, three Israeli crossing employees were murdered.

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Saudi Arabia possesses a well-equipped air force, based primarily on American-made systems and aircraft. In 2017, during President Donald Trump's first term, an extensive arms deal was signed with Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, and this deal was further expanded during his recent visit to the region.

Saudi Arabia hasn't officially confirmed involvement in the interceptions and even condemned Israel for launching the offensive against Iran. Israel, the United States and European countries demonstrated close operational cooperation, through which Iran's image as a regional threat was damaged.

The political significance is broad – the very fact that a leading Sunni state, perhaps the most central one, is acting in ways that lead to thwarting Iranian threats even without public declaration indicates a deep regional shift. However, Saudi Arabia emphasized it won't allow use of its airspace for striking targets in Iran.

12-day international coalition

During the 12 days of fighting against Iran, several countries acted to defend the region's skies, including Jordan, which operated mainly through its air force in its airspace; Britain and France, which also operated in the aerial arena; and the United States military, which alongside the IDF was the most active – through aircraft, ships, Patriot and THAAD air defense systems and more.

Iran launched over a thousand drones toward Israel. Most were intercepted far from the border, and a minority were shot down by the Israeli Air Force over Israeli skies. This joint operation wouldn't have been possible without years of exercises and simulations with international partners – including Greece, Italy, France and Britain.

At the center of activity stood US Central Command – CENTCOM – commanded by General Mike Kurilla, who's credited with a significant contribution to the cooperation mechanism that operated here. Since the IDF joined CENTCOM, a well-connected military system has been built and developed, including Israel and European countries like Britain, France, Greece, Italy and Cyprus.

Another significant achievement of this framework is establishing a joint American command and control center, connected in real-time to all involved militaries. Kurilla himself sat in this center during many stages of the fighting, leading coordination between intelligence, warning, activation and interception elements.

Years of preparation

In the IDF, the International Planning Division in the Planning Directorate is responsible for managing relations with CENTCOM and other partner countries. International Planning representatives have a role in every command and corps – ensuring continuous contact with counterparts in foreign militaries. The frequency of dialogue with American commanders has risen dramatically in recent years – from ceremonial conversations every six months to daily dialogue, joint exercises, coordinated flights, and even intelligence cooperation.

The chiefs of staff – the recently retired Chief Herzi Halevi and current Chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir – have also maintained close relations with senior commanders in the US military. The US serves not only as a bridge between Israel and regional countries but also as a coordinating factor with Arab countries with which there are no direct relations.

This cooperation was tested not only now but also in previous waves of Iranian attacks on Israel in April and October 2024. Then too, the United States and European countries operated in various arenas – some through interception means, others through location and information sharing. Now, during the 12-day campaign, the operation was much broader in scope.

Jordan, unlike others, publicly acknowledged interception operations and even emphasized that drones fell in its territory causing damage – which required a response. France also explained its participation as defending its interests in Jordan, while avoiding public mention of Israel.

The results that received impressive expression in the current war could form a basis for much larger political moves – perhaps even for the comprehensive regional move that President Trump is planning as part of his "mega-deal" for the Middle East.

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According to the Israel Defense Forces, after its setbacks in other arenas, Iran is expected to focus on undermining Jordanian stability. Tehran's goal is to turn Jordan into a new platform for its proxy forces against Israel. While the Israel-Jordan border has long been relatively quiet, mostly plagued by smuggling, a recently uncovered network aimed at destabilizing Jordan - a long-standing strategic partner of Israel - has raised serious concerns. The IDF recognizes that close security cooperation with Jordan is not sufficient on its own.

The military's response to this emerging threat is the rapid operational deployment of Division 96, also known as the Gilad Division, under the command of Brig. Gen. Oren Simcha. Initially scheduled to become active months from now, the division was quickly mobilized following the outbreak of Operation Rising Lion, highlighting the urgent need to reinforce Israel's eastern border.

Division 96 is tasked with defending Israel's longest border, which stretches for hundreds of kilometers. Its most recent deployment included the 417th Jordan Valley Regional Brigade and a reserve infantry brigade. Additionally, the IDF is introducing a new strategic initiative under the Gilad Division: the formation of "David Brigades," regional defense units designed to secure areas deep within Israel's interior that have previously lacked sufficient protection.

Easing the burden on reserve forces

Israel Hayom has learned that the first of the David Brigades will become operational in August, assuming responsibility for a sector in Judea and Samaria. This move is intended not to prepare the unit for emergency deployment in its own sector but to relieve pressure on other overextended reserve units.

All the new brigades, including two composed of former naval personnel retrained for ground combat, are expected to be operational by February. The objective is to reduce the extreme load currently borne by both reserve and regular IDF brigades, which have been engaged almost continuously since October 7.

Meanwhile, the government is investing millions of shekels in reactivating abandoned military posts under the Gilad Division's command and significantly bolstering settlement efforts in the area. This includes the establishment of a new city along the border, the creation of new settlement outposts, and the official recognition and strengthening of existing communities. A major border fence project is also in the works, aimed at completing a comprehensive defensive system.

The revamped eastern border is envisioned as a model response to the October 7 massacre by Hamas: secure borders, robust settlement infrastructure, and proactive preparation for future threats, rather than reactive measures.

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During their trial, the two men testified that they had waited in vain in Asuncion for contact with the Mossad agent who had promised to meet them upon their arrival in Paraguay. After attempting to establish contact with the Israeli Embassy and finding themselves rebuffed (according to their testimony), they broke into the embassy building. There, they unsuccessfully attempted to assassinate Ambassador Benjamin Varon, who evaded their bullets, though his secretary was fatally shot. The two were sentenced to 13 years in prison.

The Peer murder first exposed Israel's secret government mechanism that attempted to encourage emigration from Gaza after the Six-Day War in exchange for economic benefits – a system established during Prime Minister Levi Eshkol's tenure. Ada Sereni, a leading figure in the Mossad's Aliyah Bet operations in Italy and later an Israel Prize laureate for special contribution to society and state, headed this mechanism. Initially, Eshkol opposed paying migrants, but Sereni defied this directive. She confronted Eshkol, arguing for additional funding to enable mass migration. Eventually, Eshkol refused, and Sereni's mechanism was suspended. The system managed to relocate approximately 50,000 Gaza residents from a total population of about 400,000 during those years, most of them refugees from 1948, dispersing them worldwide.

The existence of this mechanism was denied for years, but research by Professor Yoav Gelber, an expert on the War of Independence and the Palestinian refugee issue, and scholars like Omri Shafer Raviv, revealed the great secret that censorship had prevented from being published for decades. Shlomo Gazit, who served as the first coordinator of government activities in the West Bank and Gaza, believed in 2005 that "whoever talks about this should be hanged." However, as years passed, it became increasingly clear how the concept of voluntary transfer, or encouraging emigration through economic incentives, was actually widespread and accepted among the pre-state leadership, and later in Mapai circles – long before Rehavam (Gandhi) Zeevi of Moledet and Rabbi Meir Kahane of the Kach movement branded it as an ultra-right idea.

Government activity promoting voluntary emigration from Gaza occurred not only after the Six-Day War and in the early years of the state following the War of Independence but also during Operation Iron Swords. In fact, it began from its earliest days, despite strong opposition from the Biden administration. This happened many months before current US President Donald Trump became the standard-bearer of the idea.

Minister Ron Dermer and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu discussed voluntary emigration with Trump many months before he entered the White House, effectively planting the idea with him. As early as late December 2023, two and a half months after the war broke out, Netanyahu reported in a closed Likud faction meeting that he was working to facilitate the movement of Gaza residents to other countries, though he admitted difficulty finding willing nations. In his final days as foreign minister before Israel Katz replaced him, Eli Cohen managed to establish teams that conducted negotiations with the governments of Rwanda and Congo to accept Gaza migration. Netanyahu was kept informed of all developments.

Qatar showed interest – then withdrew

The voluntary emigration initiative was championed at the time by Knesset member Ram Ben Barak from Yesh Atid and Knesset member Danny Danon from Likud, who now serves as Israel's ambassador to the UN. The joint article by the left-wing and right-wing legislators in The Wall Street Journal generated significant attention, but the more substantial activity occurred behind the scenes in the Foreign Ministry and Intelligence Ministry, which was led by Minister Gila Gamliel until March 2024.

On October 13, 2023, about a week after the massacre, Gamliel's ministry submitted a written proposal to the prime minister for "evacuating non-combatant population from combat zones" and facilitating "humanitarian voluntary evacuation" of that population outside the Gaza Strip. The initial phase, as proposed, involved establishing tent cities southwest of Gaza, within Sinai. Subsequently, a humanitarian corridor would be established to this area, ultimately leading to the construction of several cities in northern Sinai for the evacuees. Simultaneously, Israel would prepare a sterile zone 1.86 miles wide inside Egypt, south of the Israeli border, to prevent evacuees from returning to Gaza. The document also listed several countries to be contacted for potentially accepting Gaza migrants, including Spain, Greece, Canada, and Congo.

Gamliel's plan and the ideas circulating in the prime minister's office at the time were based on similar plans and concepts that had been redeveloped just a few years earlier, coinciding with the Gaza border protests of 2018-2019. Ayelet Shaked revealed aspects of these plans in August 2019, shortly after leaving the Justice Ministry, when she announced her support for a policy encouraging emigration from Gaza, defining it as a shared interest of Israel and the Palestinians. Simultaneously, plans were being examined to establish an airport near Gaza, from which planes full of Gaza residents would depart for their new destinations – including various African nations, as well as Egypt, Jordan, and Qatar. The National Security Council and Shin Bet submitted formal papers on the matter, but these plans and subsequent ones collapsed due to Arab nations' refusal to cooperate. This occurred with Egypt and Jordan after rounds of talks, and with Qatar, which withdrew from the idea after several rounds of meetings.

If the Biden administration had supported the idea during those years, even behind the scenes, something might have materialized despite everything – but the Democratic administration left no doubt about its position. When details of Gamliel's plans leaked, Biden personally approached Netanyahu requesting clarification. Prime Minister Netanyahu clarified that it was the minister's private initiative, not representing government policy. In early 2024, the Biden State Department declared that transfer rhetoric, as expressed by Finance Minister Smotrich, was "inflammatory and irresponsible." Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Netanyahu on January 8, and afterward stated: "I told Netanyahu today that the US opposes any proposal to resettle Palestinians outside Gaza, and Netanyahu committed that this is not Israel's government policy." Nevertheless, that same month, more than 1,000 Gaza residents departed for Canada in an organized manner, and Israeli officials involved were certain that if Canada had set a higher quota, it would have been quickly filled.

According to unofficial data from the Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center and other sources, approximately 300,000 Gaza residents emigrated from Gaza between Hamas's rise to power in 2007 and the start of the war, primarily due to economic conditions and lack of hope for the future. Residents left the Strip through the Rafah crossing and Egypt, with Turkey being their most popular destination. Greece and its coastline served as another popular but unofficial destination, reached via rubber boats, some of which sank. Germany and Canada were two other preferred destinations, though they accepted only a small number of migrants.

A survey by the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research, led by Dr. Khalil Shikaki, focusing on emigration and conducted among residents in Gaza and the West Bank just before the war, revealed that 44 percent of young people in Gaza, 38 percent of all men, and 31 percent of Fatah members (compared to 14 percent of Hamas members) were seeking or considering emigration. It stands to reason that today, following the war, the percentage of those wanting to leave Gaza is even higher, and once the Rafah crossing opens, many residents will use this opportunity to leave the Strip.

"Weizmann tried to bribe me"

Beyond these statistics, the major question now hovering over Trump's plan is: for the first time since the War of Independence and its aftermath (600,000-700,000 Arab refugees), will the fact that the president of the world's greatest superpower now stands behind the idea – rather than Gila Gamliel or Eli Cohen – lead to the implementation of organized plans for voluntary Gaza emigration, plans that Israel is now working on (in coordination with the Americans)?

If you ask Professor Yoav Gelber, who has extensively researched the history of transfers, migrations, population exchanges, and voluntary or involuntary population movements, the chance of this succeeding is minimal to nonexistent. Gelber finds historical parallels between the current situation, where Trump champions the voluntary emigration of Gaza residents with Israeli leadership's encouragement, and a forgotten event that occurred before World War II.

This involves the work of St. John Philby, a British explorer and diplomat who converted to Islam and became the confidant and unofficial advisor to Ibn Saud, the founder and first king of Saudi Arabia. Philby dressed like an Arab, ate camel meat, lived in Jeddah, and took a Muslim slave as his second wife.

In 1939, Gelber recounts, "Philby proposed to Lewis Namier, Haim Weizmann's associate, that the Jews raise 20 million pounds sterling (the Saudi king's debts), and in return, the king would leave Palestine empty for them and resettle the evacuated Palestinians within his vast kingdom. Namier passed the proposal to Weizmann and Moshe Sharett, who authorized Philby to present this tempting offer to the Saudi king."

"The king gave Philby a rather mumbled response, which Philby interpreted as agreement. Weizmann was very excited about this 'agreement' and rushed to convey the information to Winston Churchill. We learn about this development both from Weizmann's memoirs and from British Foreign Office documents. The British, according to these documents, completely rejected the move and claimed it was an absolute delusion. David Ben-Gurion also heard about it, presumably from Weizmann. He didn't believe the Arabs of Palestine would agree to leave, perhaps only a few of them. However, Weizmann was captivated by the plan's charm and continued to pursue it. In 1943, he traveled to America and tried to sell it to President Theodore  Roosevelt. Later, Roosevelt's envoy met with King Ibn Saud and asked his opinion on the proposal. Ibn Saud told him not to dare mention it again: 'Weizmann tried to bribe me, and don't come back to me with this.' That marked the end of the Philby plan."

What's happening now between Trump and Israel, says Professor Gelber, shows that suckers don't die, they just get replaced.

Who are the suckers of our time?

"Trump, who someone sold this idea to and who isn't seriously examining the question of who would absorb the Gazans – similar to Weizmann, Philby, and Churchill about a hundred years ago."

Perhaps the fact that unlike dozens of previous times, this time a US president is leading the idea, not some junior 'Philby,' increases the chances of implementing it?

"In my view, transfer isn't fundamentally wrong. It's much better than killing them. But the history of these plans teaches us that the successes were very limited, and outward migration occurred on a small scale – except for the major event of the state's establishment, of course, with hundreds of thousands of refugees who fled, left, or were expelled from the country."

Maybe the fact that many areas in Gaza are completely destroyed increases the chance of implementing a migration plan?

"No, because in the background is the consciousness of the 'Nakba' of 1948. This is a consciousness that lives with the Palestinians and goes with them everywhere. From their perspective, leaving Gaza is another 'Nakba.' There are two national movements fighting over the same small piece of land, and they will continue to fight. If migration happens – it might occur only on the margins."

How would you suggest Netanyahu and the government handle Trump's initiative?

"To nod politely – after all, nothing will come from arguing with him – and to be very careful of illusions that this will work. I have the impression they're living in a movie, like a large part of our public. According to polls, 47% think it's realistic. This is a combination of ignorance and messianism. I'll say again: if it were possible and practical – I would support it. It's a better solution than others."

Rothschild was willing to pay

The story of Weizmann, Philby, and the first Saudi king is just one event in a long series of transfer plans regarding the Arab population, mainly refugees from 1948 (but not exclusively), conceived since the beginning of the last century by various Jewish and international entities. The common denominator among all of them, besides the fact that they were never implemented, is that the Palestinian refugees rejected them under the direction of UNRWA and Arab states. They preferred to preserve refugee status as a weapon against Israel and reject any plan for their rehabilitation and resettlement. Their declared goal was, and still is, to return refugees to their previous settlements within Israel, or in other words – to turn back time to before the War of Independence, to reshape demographics and turn Jews here into a minority and Arabs into a majority.

Against the backdrop of discussions about various plans, before and after World War II, transfers of millions were carried out between Germany and its enemies, between Greece and Turkey, and later between India and Pakistan. There were also population exchanges after Yugoslavia's dissolution, and more. Until World War II, transfer was considered a humane solution to ethnic conflicts. Norwegian researcher and diplomat Fridtjof Nansen, who conceived the Balkan transfer (under international supervision), even won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1922. However, the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949 first prohibited population transfer from occupied territory without crucial military justification, and for the first time defined it as a crime.

Nevertheless, legal experts like Professor Avi Bell believe that international law doesn't prohibit a state from encouraging voluntary migration, and such migration isn't considered expulsion. The second Trump administration now relies on such legal opinions, and intends to use them if and when its plans regarding Gaza residents become practical.

Transfer plans regarding the Arabs of Palestine, and specifically Gaza residents, stretch far back, before and after the state's establishment. Dr. Eric Ariel, Dr. Mordechai Nissan, and others revealed in their research new details about "Operation Yohanan" and the "Worker's Plan." The first offered Christian Arabs from the Galilee agricultural farms in Argentina, supported by Moshe Sharett and Yosef Weitz among others. The second proposed encouraging Arab refugees to migrate to Germany, which in the 1960s desperately needed workers. A decade earlier, the Foreign Ministry considered settling Arab refugees in Somalia and Libya, and even in Tunisia and Algeria. Similar ideas circulated in the ministry during Abba Eban's tenure as foreign minister, all rooted in pre-state times.

In 1937, the British Peel Commission recommended a solution of an Arab state and a Jewish state, but simultaneously proposed transferring more than 200,000 Arabs from the proposed Jewish state to the Arab state. Ben-Gurion liked the idea and wrote: "The Peel Commission's proposal was fundamentally good, if they had also implemented the transfer (relocation of Arabs) from all the valleys." Israel Zangwill, Herzl's associate, wrote in support of transfer in the early 20th century, and Berl Katznelson, the spiritual guide of the Labor movement, explained in 1937 that transfer was "the best of solutions," and predicted it would happen one day. Katznelson clarified he meant not to Nablus, but to Syria and Iraq. Chaim Weizmann opposed forced transfer but estimated Muslims would prefer to migrate rather than live under an infidel Jewish regime. Baron Edmond de Rothschild said he was willing to pay Arabs to leave Palestine. Even Zeev Jabotinsky, who wrote in his famous poem "There shall the son of Arab, the son of Nazareth and my sons be blessed with abundance and joy" and believed Arabs shouldn't be forced to leave, thought that if they agreed voluntarily – there was no reason to regret it.

Two "Nakbas"

After the Six-Day War, Israel attempted to implement some of these ideas. The secret team led by Ada Sereni, which included Yosef Yariv, Shlomo Ben Elkana, and others, tried to encourage Gaza's population to migrate to Jordan and South American countries, but the plan was blocked following complaints by Egypt and Jordan to the UN against Israel. Yitzhak Rabin, in the mid-1970s, also tried to reach an understanding with King Hussein of Jordan to encourage Palestinian migration from Gaza to the kingdom, in exchange for generous economic aid from Israel and the West.

Then came the right wing, which effectively appropriated the transfer idea from the socialists and Labor movement. Meir Kahane, leader of the Kach movement, called for expelling Arabs from western Palestine, and after him, Rehavam Zeevi spoke about "voluntary transfer" or "transfer by consent" of the Arab population in Judea and Samaria and the Gaza Strip. Zeevi heavily relied on Zionist movement leaders and leftists who supported the idea many years before him but failed to sell transfer as a politically correct product. "Transferist" became a derogatory term, repeatedly hurled at right-wing supporters of this approach – even though most, like the leftists before them, spoke of transfer by consent. Ariel Sharon, prime minister in the early 2000s who forcibly transferred the Jews of Gush Katif and northern Samaria, rejected a Jordanian demand during his tenure to publish a public statement denying transfer for Israel's Arabs.

As years pass and the blackout on additional transfer plans lifts, more materials on this matter are exposed. Trump's raising of the transfer flag – assuming it's not a "trial balloon" inserted into the discourse between Israel, the Palestinians, and Arab states only to be removed later in exchange for other agreements – has changed the transfer discourse prevalent here in recent years. Instead of questioning and discussing, as was customary here, whether voluntary or involuntary transfer is moral, the question now asked is whether transfer – moral or not – is realistic and practical, or merely a pipe dream.

Currently, the Palestinians themselves, as well as Arab states, not only present a united front against Trump's ideas – but adhere to what they call the "right of return" to cities like Jaffa, Ashkelon, Ramla, Haifa, Nazareth, and Lod, and essentially to any place where an Arab settlement existed that was captured by Israel during the War of Independence and whose residents left.

The Palestinian adherence to return and their fierce opposition to Palestinian population migration abroad are two sides of the same coin: on one side – unwillingness to accept the results of the War of Independence and their defeat in the campaign, after rejecting the establishment of a Jewish state within any borders. On the other side – non-acceptance of the Israeli-American attempt to again establish, 77 years after the War of Independence, a consciousness of defeat among Palestinians. They reject the transfer idea not only because they haven't given up on return, but also to avoid experiencing anew a "Nakba" that would be seared into them again for generations, this time with the backing of the world's greatest superpower, and would displace their "1948 Nakba," which remains one of the symbols of Palestinian identity and narrative.

Samir al-Barghouti, a Palestinian columnist for the Qatari daily Al-Watan, expressed these sentiments in one of his recent articles, where he linked the two "Nakbas" and addressed President Trump: "Gaza was Palestinian before and after the Common Era, and it will remain Palestinian after October 7 as it was before October 6... The solution in Palestine lies in returning those expelled in 1948 to their cities and villages. Return Gaza's residents to the Gaza border communities, to Beersheba, to Ashkelon, to Jaffa, to Lod, and to Ramla, from which they were expelled in 1948, and then you will deserve the Nobel Peace Prize."

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President Donald Trump escalated diplomatic tensions Tuesday by suggesting he might cut US aid to Jordan and Egypt if they reject his proposed Gaza development strategy, ABC News reported.

Trump hosted Jordan's King Abdullah at the White House – marking the first visit by an Arab leader since Trump returned to office last month. When asked about securing the king's support for his Palestinian plan, Trump called Abdullah "a good man."

The president's ambitious proposal envisions relocating close to 2 million Palestinians from Gaza to create what he describes as "the Riviera of the Middle East."

Despite Jordan already hosting millions of registered Palestinian refugees, the Jordanian royal court stated on X: "His Majesty King Abdullah II stresses the need to put a stop to settlement expansion, expressing rejection of any attempts to annex land and displace the Palestinians." 

The president dismissed regional opposition to his plan. "If they don't agree, I would conceivably withhold aid," Trump told reporters Monday night.

When asked if Palestinians could return after reconstruction, Trump answered in a Fox News interview aired Monday, "No, they wouldn't, because they're going to have much better housing. I'm talking about building a permanent place for them."

Secretary of State Marco Rubio is set to visit Israel, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia this week. During recent Central America meetings, Rubio suggested Gazans would need alternative housing "in the interim" when questioned about their return.

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Jordanian authorities have issued an ultimatum to Hamas, demanding the immediate relocation of Ahlam al-Tamimi, a convicted terrorist released in IDF soldier Gilad Shalit's prisoner exchange in 2011, or face her extradition to the United States, Al-Araby Al-Jadeed newspaper reported.

In an overnight communication Sunday, Jordanian officials informed Hamas leadership in Qatar that they must secure another country willing to accept al-Tamimi, or Jordan will proceed with her extradition to US authorities, according to sources familiar with the situation. These same sources revealed that Jordan has taken a firm stance against accepting any terrorists deported under the current hostage deal. Reports indicate that al-Tamimi's family has appealed to Hamas to address her situation during negotiations with Israel.

On August 9, 2001, al-Tamimi led a Hamas bomber carrying explosives to the Sbarro restaurant in central Jerusalem, specifically chosen as the target during the busy lunch hour. The subsequent attack claimed 15 lives, including seven children and two Americans, and injured over 120 people.

Hamas-affiliated media outlets report that Jordanian authorities have given the terror organization a 24-hour deadline to comply with their demands before initiating extradition proceedings.

The US government has maintained a standing reward of up to $5 million for information leading to al-Tamimi. With the recent transition to the Trump administration, there may be new diplomatic communications regarding her case. During his previous presidency, the Trump administration actively sought her extradition to face criminal charges.

A well-placed source informed Jordanian media that al-Tamimi's departure would be immediate. The source confirmed that Jordan had established contact with the Hamas leadership, the organization to which the Shalit deal released terrorist maintains affiliation.

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Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar and Military Intelligence Directorate (Aman) head Shlomi Binder visited Jordan on Friday to address shared interests in light of developments in Syria. Israel is concerned, as reported in Israel Hayom last Friday, that regional instability could also destabilize Jordan internally, and that Iran may intensify its attempts to smuggle weapons through Jordan into Judea and Samaria (The West Bank) due to a lack of alternative routes.

This marks the second visit by senior Israeli defense officials to a neighboring country within a week. Last week, the Shin Bet chief and the IDF Chief of Staff visited Egypt to address Israel's concerns over violations of the peace treaty between the two nations. Despite the peace agreements, the evolving situation in Syria poses a risk to regional stability.

The Israeli defense establishment is particularly alarmed by potential unrest in the West Bank fueled by events in Syria. Officials fear that extremist Islamic actors, inspired by Syrian rebels, may launch attacks. In response, the IDF has decided to reinforce security measures for Israeli settlements in the Judea and Samaria and bolster the protection of main roads in the region.

Meanwhile, the Palestinian security forces launched a special operation this morning aimed at reasserting control over the Jenin refugee camp. A spokesperson for the Palestinian security forces announced the operation, titled "Defending the Homeland."

Simultaneously, clashes erupted between Palestinian security forces and armed militants in Tulkarm. Militants hurled explosive devices and opened fire at the Palestinian Authority's headquarters in the city. So far, the security forces have refrained from entering the Tulkarm refugee camp, responding instead with gunfire from a distance.

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"We found Malki… It's all over." That is how Arnold Roth learned that his 15-year-old daughter was gone forever. Twelve hours earlier, a Hamas terrorist entered a crowded pizza shop in the heart of Jerusalem with an explosive device concealed in a guitar case, murdering sixteen people, including seven children, in 2001.

Earlier this week, the Jerusalem District Court ruled that the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization must pay tens of millions of shekels to the victims of the Sbarro massacre. While nothing can ever bring back the victims, for some families, this ruling represents a small step toward justice.

The horrors of the Second Intifada, for many, feel like a distant lifetime, as the events of the October 7 massacre and everything that has followed have created a new and harrowing form of suffering.  Yet, for many victims and families who lost loved ones during the five-year period of violence, the barbarity of October 7 and the unrelenting trauma of the Second Intifada feel deeply connected. Approximately 1,053 Israelis, mostly civilians, were murdered in the wave of violence, which included suicide bombings, shootings, and military operations.

The Sbarro Pizzeria massacre stands as one of the most haunting symbols of the cruelty and barbarity of terrorism during that deadly period. Planned by Hamas' military wing, the attack was facilitated by Ahlam Tamimi, who scouted the location and carried out by Izz al-Din Shuheil al-Masri, the suicide bomber. The explosive device was packed with nails, screws, and bolts to maximize casualties. The perpetrators deliberately chose a busy downtown Jerusalem location and timed the attack during lunchtime, knowing the restaurant was a popular spot for families, including children.

Twenty-three years later, the courts have ruled that the Palestinian Authority (PA) must compensate the victims and their families, citing the PA's longstanding policy of providing financial payments to terrorists and their families. "The Jerusalem District Court decision is a very welcome step towards unwinding the PA's capacity to encourage and fund Palestinian Arab terror. And to provide meaningful compensation to some of its victims," says Arnold Roth, who has spent thirteen years fighting to bring justice to his daughter Malki. He adds, "But the decision itself doesn't seek to target Hamas or Ahlam Tamimi."

After orchestrating the massacre, Ahlam Tamimi was arrested by Israeli authorities, convicted, and sentenced to 16 life terms. However, she was released in the 2011 Gilad Shalit prisoner exchange deal. For the Roth family, no amount of compensation can equate to justice; true justice, for them, would be seeing Malki's murderer back behind bars. "The efforts my wife Frimet and I have made for years since our child was murdered in the Sbarro atrocity have been focused on undoing the catastrophically mistaken Israeli government's decision to free the mastermind of the massacre."

Tamimi's release was a devastating blow to the families of the Sbarro victims, who had to endure the pain of seeing her flown on a VIP flight to Jordan, where she was celebrated and welcomed as a hero. Today, she hosts a Jordanian talk show, Nasim Al-Ahrar (Breeze of the Free), on Hamas-affiliated Al-Quds TV.

For the Roth family, justice remains elusive until Jordan extradites Tamimi to the United States to face FBI charges – charges issued in 2013 under a bilateral extradition treaty that Jordan continues to defy. Arnold Roth has called on the international community to increase pressure on Jordan. While compensation for the victims is a step forward, it cannot be the end of the story. We cannot accept a world where the justice system fails so profoundly, allowing perpetrators like Tamimi to live freely and glorify acts of terror.

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