On Sunday, the IDF struck a series of Hezbollah targets in southern Lebanon. The attacks followed an Arabic-language warning by Lt. Col. Avichay Adraee, the IDF's Arabic spokesman, who urged residents of southern Lebanon and the village of Deir Qifa to distance themselves from areas and buildings that the army had marked on maps it distributed. Later, the IDF reported that it had destroyed several weapons depots belonging to Hezbollah's rocket unit, located in the heart of a civilian population. Earlier that day, the military announced that it had struck and killed two Hezbollah operatives in the Bint Jbeil and Blida areas of southern Lebanon.

The IDF is currently operating in Lebanon with near-complete freedom of action, aiming to prevent Hezbollah from rebuilding despite its attempts to do so and despite Iranian efforts to arm the terrorist organization. According to a senior official who spoke with Israel Hayom, Hezbollah has not disappeared. He said it is rebuilding faster than Israel's ability to dismantle it and Lebanon's military is not doing enough. He added that he does not see the Lebanese Armed Forces dismantling Hezbollah and that only the IDF will dismantle the terrorist organization.

Dismantling Hezbollah

Israel and the US continue to demand that the Lebanese government disarm Hezbollah, but given the Lebanese military's ineffectiveness, the IDF continues to strike in Lebanon without pause. As previously reported, the army is preparing for a concentrated operation that would involve several days of fighting aimed at striking infrastructure and strategic assets. It is likely that during those days Hezbollah would fire rockets and drones at Israel.

The guiding principle behind the IDF's planned activity reflects one of the most significant lessons the army internalized from the October 7 attacks, if not the central one: Israel cannot allow any hostile group along its borders to arm itself freely. Unlike the period before the war, the military is now acting against capabilities rather than intentions.

Defense officials note that the very fact that the IDF is not allowing Hezbollah or any other hostile actors to rebuild in exchange for a deceptive calm that could ultimately cost Israel dearly should reassure residents of the northern border rather than unsettle them. They say this is the only way to maintain their security. Unlike in the past, when Israel often refrained from acting against Hezbollah's buildup and provocations, the IDF is now pursuing a policy of removing the threat at its source.

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Ahead of the Hezbollah and Amal protest rally this week at Riyad al-Solh Square, adjacent to the parliament building in Beirut, Qassem emphasized Hezbollah's uncompromising stance, whose main points are these: the terrorist organization refuses to hand over its weapons and is even prepared to confront Lebanon's authorities in order to preserve them, which he described as "our spirit, our honor and the future of our children."

The clear addressees of Qassem's remarks are President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam. Hezbollah propagandists are already calling both of them on social media "Yazid," after the Umayyad caliph Yazid, detested by Shiites, who was responsible for the killing of Imam Husayn at the Battle of Karbala in 680. Alongside this, other Hezbollah propagandists on social media called for violent confrontation during the protest rally. In this context it is worth noting that security around President Aoun and Prime Minister Salam has recently been reinforced, out of fear that their fate could resemble that of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik al-Hariri, who was assassinated by Hezbollah in 2005.

Will Lebanon be torn apart again?

Hezbollah is not interested in a civil war. Such a war would inflict severe reputational damage on the terrorist organization, which seeks to cling to its hackneyed slogan, "the army, the people and the resistance," a phrase Qassem repeated in his speech even though Lebanon's leaders have made clear it has expired. A civil war would drag Lebanon back into the all too recent past of a bloody internal conflict and would embolden the government in Beirut, namely that Hezbollah prefers its weapons over Lebanon's stability.

Hezbollah has been pushed into a corner, and therefore seeks to exert counter-pressure on Lebanon's leadership through a series of shows of force, the nearest of which will take place tomorrow. The significant support the terrorist organization still enjoys within its social base, the Shiite community in Lebanon, enables it to take a firm stand against the Lebanese government's historic decision to disarm it by the end of 2025.

At the same time, despite the political revival of the Lebanese state, its army and security services remain weak and will not be able to force Hezbollah to disarm. Iranian backing also imbues Naim Qassem's policy with confidence and encourages him to resist pressure from the Lebanese government and the Trump administration.

The cards Israel could lose

However, the deep dispute currently shaking Iran's political arena over the regime's policy after the war against Israel is spilling over into Tehran's position on the Lebanese crisis. In contrast to the unequivocal backing Iran's conservatives give Hezbollah's position, in recent days parts of the reformist camp have called on the regime to change course. In their view, Tehran should not interfere in an internal Lebanese matter. Hezbollah, they argue, must respect the Lebanese government's decision, as the state is the sovereign, weapons must be held exclusively by it, and the presence of an armed militia in Lebanon is unacceptable. The reformist camp also questioned the usefulness of the visit to Beirut by the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council, Ali Larijani. They warned that Tehran's involvement in Lebanon could harm the regime and provide the US and Israel with a pretext to act against Iran again. Therefore, the solution they propose is to integrate Hezbollah into the Lebanese Army.

Even so, the regime's support for Hezbollah's position was made clear in the statement by Quds Force deputy coordinator Iraj Masjedi, according to whom the Lebanese government's decision to disarm Hezbollah is a "US-Zionist scheme that is unacceptable to the Lebanese people and will never be realized."

In his speech Qassem called on the government, of which Hezbollah remains a member, to hold intensive discussions on how to restore its sovereignty, which he said is harmed by the ongoing Israeli presence in five outposts in southern Lebanon. He also called on the parties, elites and influential figures in the country "to assist the government in thinking and implementing the plans," and alongside this presented Hezbollah's proposed solution: Israel must withdraw from southern Lebanon, stop its attacks on Hezbollah and release its captives, while the Lebanese state begins rebuilding the south. In return, after these steps are completed, which would strip Israel of its strategic cards, Hezbollah would be ready to discuss Lebanon's "defense strategy," in Qassem's words.

In recent contacts with the US government's envoy to Lebanon and Syria, Tom Barak, Israel proposed, according to Lebanese media reports, turning the belt of contact villages in southern Lebanon into an uninhabited, demilitarized economic zone. In exchange, Israel proposes a gradual halt to strikes and targeted killings, a gradual withdrawal from several occupied areas and "the completion of the issue of Lebanese prisoners." Such an Israel–Lebanon agreement could indeed speed the return of residents of Israel's north to their homes. However, it does not meet the need to deliver a severe political blow to Hezbollah as well, given the new reality. Israel could therefore forfeit important cards and leave Hezbollah as a popular force among the country's Shiites, who form its base of power.

It appears that in the struggle against Iran's years-long investment in Lebanon, there are no shortcuts. Israel and the US must strive to undermine Hezbollah among the Shiites by building a rival network to the terrorist organization's da'wa apparatus and by providing political support to its opponents within the community. Until then, Hezbollah will likely dare to threaten Lebanon's stability, relying on the extensive support it enjoys among the country's Shiites.

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According to the IDF, the targeted facilities are located in the heart of civilian neighborhoods in Dahiyeh and are operated by Hezbollah under Iranian direction. The military said Hezbollah, with Iranian guidance, is working to manufacture thousands of unmanned aerial vehicles in preparation for a future conflict—activity it said contravenes understandings between Israel and Lebanon.

لحظة الغارة السادسة على الضاحية الجنوبية لبيروت pic.twitter.com/7wRsUl4PRE

— Al Jadeed News (@ALJADEEDNEWS) June 5, 2025

Arabic-language IDF Spokesman Lt. Col. Avichay Adraee issued a warning Thursday evening to residents of southern Beirut, urging immediate evacuation of buildings marked in red on accompanying maps due to their proximity to Hezbollah sites. "To ensure your safety, evacuate immediately and keep a distance of at least 300 meters," the statement read.

The operation is focused on Hezbollah's subterranean drone manufacturing facilities, which the IDF says are part of an Iranian initiative to prepare the terrorist group for a future confrontation with Israel.

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Since early morning hours, hundreds have begun streaming into the Camille Chamoun Sports City Stadium in Beirut, which holds nearly 50,000 people, with the funeral ceremony scheduled to begin at 1 p.m. local time and last approximately one hour. Following the ceremony, the funeral procession will depart from the stadium, with Nasrallah set to be buried in a prepared area near the airport road in south Beirut. His deputy, Hashem Safieddine, who formally replaced him for several days before being eliminated, will be buried Monday in his hometown of Deir Qanoun al-Nahr in south Lebanon.

For any rational observer, the timing of this event is clearly meant to restore some dignity to the Shiite terror organization after recent months of humiliation. Therefore, Israel must take all possible measures to prevent or at least disrupt the funeral and ceremony to demonstrate that a New Order truly exists.

Here are six reasons why Israel should take action:

1. Prevent resurgence: The funeral is not merely a religious ceremony but a tool for displaying power. Hezbollah, which has suffered severe blows during the war – from the near-complete elimination of its command structure, through the degradation of its firepower and arrays in south Lebanon, to the ceasefire agreement with Israel signed over its head forcing it to move northward – sees the ceremony as an opportunity for image rehabilitation before the Lebanese public. Such a mass event proceeding undisturbed could recreate Hezbollah's sense of victory and foster their perception that Israel is once again deterred from acting in Lebanon.
2. Security risk and opportunity: The ceremony will be attended by Hezbollah senior officials alongside Iranian, Turkish, Yemeni and Iraqi terror operatives. Regarding the risk if Israel does not strike: The event could be utilized to plan terror operations against Israel or recruit new operatives. Regarding the opportunity: This presents a golden opportunity to eliminate numerous regional security threats, or at least demonstrate to those considering joining Hezbollah's ranks that it is highly inadvisable.
3. Strategic messaging: Preventing the funeral would stress to Hezbollah, Iran and all regional adversaries that Israel will not allow glorification of those responsible for hundreds of Israeli deaths. Nasrallah, similar to Osama bin Laden whose body was disposed of at sea to prevent his burial site from becoming a pilgrimage destination, does not deserve a grand, mass funeral that could be interpreted as legitimizing his crimes.

1. Potential escalation: Paradoxically, allowing the funeral to proceed as planned, rather than an Israeli strike, could lead to escalation in south Lebanon. The eulogies are expected to include condemnations of Israel and demands for the Lebanese government to act against the five Israeli outposts recently established in its territory. It is not far-fetched that attendees might take matters into their own hands and head south to act against Israel Defense Forces troops.
2. Israeli morale: We all remember those three weeks that began with the attack on pagers and communication devices and continued with the elimination of Radwan Force commanders and Hezbollah senior officials, including Nasrallah and his replacement. During those days, Israeli civilians walked with smiles and pride unseen since October 7. After a full year of struggling to keep our heads above water, we all remembered Israel's capabilities, especially compared to the constant fear of what might happen, and understood that everything had changed and we now set the pace. This situation has indeed been maintained since then. Disrupting the ceremony would prove to our northern neighbors that we still determine matters here, and what was in the past – will no longer be. Israel does not fear striking anywhere, even if it leads to escalation.
3. Northern Command chief: In recent months, I have met numerous brigade commanders who fought in the north, both regular and reserve forces. They represent the highest tactical echelon, interfacing between field commanders and troops, and those behind determining strategy. One common statement united them all: Uri Gordin, GOC Northern Command, is one of the best commanders they have had during their service. He is principled, frequently visits the troops, is connected to commanders and aggressive. He supported action after the Megiddo attack, advocated for striking Hezbollah operatives at the war's start, and primarily managed the defensive battle in the north while meticulously planning the maneuver in south Lebanon. A strike now, with limited time remaining in his Northern Command position, would leave a legacy and operational precedent for years to come, and might add merit points in the competition for IDF chief of staff in four years, after Eyal Zamir.

How to strike?

I do not believe an air strike is definitively the best approach. That is one option among others. As a start, I would suggest IDF Arabic spokesperson Colonel Avichay Adraee (who has done excellent work throughout the war, including last night) continue tweeting content that would discourage undecided Lebanese from attending the ceremony.

Leaflets could be scattered with psychological warfare messaging or unmanned aerial vehicles could simply hover above the stadium producing the buzzing noise every Lebanese recognizes. Imagine thousands of frightened Shiites fleeing the stadium when the ceremony begins – what a significant blow to Hezbollah.

Other options not requiring ammunition expenditure include supersonic booms during eulogies, electronic warfare disrupting current Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem's recorded speech or simply cutting power to the venue, and of course messaging that landings and takeoffs from Beirut to various destinations will not be permitted.

Conversely, Nasrallah's burial site could become an excellent location for identifying and targeting terrorists, as ISIS demonstrated last year at former Quds Force Commander Qassem Soleimani's grave. What is clear is that Israel cannot allow this event to proceed without some form of response.

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"The view from this hill in Kiryat Shmona is uplifting. Sitting here safely - this reflects how much the reality in the north has changed. This was our commitment, and I am glad we fulfilled the mission. The situation is safe, and it is completely different now," Gordin declared.

Regarding the return of Israeli residents to their homes near the border, he said, "It must happen. There is much to organize in the area. The transformation here is profound, and today, it is safe to live here. The north will return to what it was, and much more. This begins with the security changes we implemented. We struck Hezbollah significantly after a year of defense, shifting to an offensive approach nearly four months ago."

"We have set Hezbollah back decades"

Commenting on the status of the terrorist organization, Gordin stated, "First and foremost, we have set Hezbollah back decades. Its leadership has been almost entirely eliminated, from [Hezbollah leader Hassan] Nasrallah to the last of its commanders in various sectors and strongholds. Thousands of terrorists have been neutralized, killed in battle or taken out in targeted strikes. More than 70% of Hezbollah's firepower has been destroyed, and it can no longer mount an effective strike."

When asked whether Hezbollah could still launch an incursion into northern Israel, he responded, "We have dismantled the Radwan Unit's defense, weapons stockpiles, and infrastructure. The Radwan forces and Hezbollah are incapable of invading the Galilee. Many terrorists have been eliminated or wounded, significantly reducing the threat of a northern incursion. The mission is not yet over, we must ensure that our achievements are preserved, that Hezbollah does not approach the frontline area, and that it does not use weapons against Israel."

Q: Can Lebanon be trusted to uphold the agreement?

"I trust, first and foremost, ourselves. Last night (Tuesday), we used an Israeli Air Force UAV to strike and destroy two Hezbollah weapons-laden vehicles. We will continue to defend Israel and ensure our security. The Lebanese government has understood - and continues to understand - that it is in its interest to reclaim control over its territory from Hezbollah."

Q: Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem has declared that the war will continue.

"We are currently in a ceasefire, but we have extensive operational plans in place. Everyone is within our broad fire and maneuvering strategies, and we have demonstrated that our plans can be executed effectively. Our readiness to resume fighting is extremely high."

Q: You used the word 'victory,' so let me put it in simple terms: Have we won?

"Our mission to protect northern communities is at the core of our efforts," Gordin assured. "We are establishing a military outpost in every community along the confrontation line. The October 7 threat has been neutralized for the foreseeable future, and we must ensure this remains the case for years to come."

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Simultaneously, a Western diplomat told the Lebanese newspaper Al-Joumhouria that the US has recently intensified efforts to de-escalate conflict zones worldwide as Donald Trump prepares to assume the US presidency. The report highlighted Amos Hochstein, the US envoy, as a central figure in this initiative.

In addition, The Hezbollah-affiliated Al-Akhbar reported that the US has devised a three-phase plan over 15 days to address contentious issues in southern Lebanon. During the first five days, the IDF is expected to withdraw from the western sector of southern Lebanon, between Al-Naqoura and Rmeish, with the Lebanese Army deploying in the vacated areas. In the next five days, the IDF would withdraw from the central sector, between Rmeish and Mais al-Jabal. Finally, in the last five days, the IDF would pull out from the eastern sector, from Mais al-Jabal to the Mount Dov area. However, the report noted that the Lebanese Army has yet to fully deploy even in the initial areas designated under this plan.

Sources told Al-Akhbar that it remains uncertain whether Israel will adhere to the withdrawal timeline. The report also stated that Hochstein and Maj. Gen. Jeffers agreed to Israel's proposal to retain control over three strategic hills, where military outposts will be established. Each location overlooks one of the three sectors in southern Lebanon.

According to sources, these positions will enable Israel to monitor vast areas south of the Litani River. The hills in question are uninhabited and devoid of structures, allowing the IDF to conduct cross-border raids into Lebanese territory if necessary.

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The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) has released the names of four reservists who were killed yesterday (Sunday) in an operational accident. They are:

• Master Sergeant (Res.) Binyamin Destaw Negose, 28, from Beit Shemesh.
• Major (Res.) Evgeny Zinershain, 43, from Zikhron Yaakov.
• Captain (Res.) Sagi Ya'akov Rubinshtein, 31, from Lavon.
• Staff Sergeant (Res.) Erez Ben Efraim, 25, from Ramat Gan.

The incident occurred during an operation involving the 226th Reserve Brigade, which operates under the 146th Division in the Lebanese village of Labouna. This is an area where IDF forces have been active multiple times in recent months. The unit has been conducting patrols, searches, and reconnaissance activities in this zone.

During one of the patrols, the soldiers entered an underground area where they discovered a shaft used to store weapons and ammunition. An explosion ensued, resulting in the deaths of the reservists.

The IDF is investigating the incident, including the possibility that the explosion was caused by a device deployed by Israeli forces.

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Hezbollah has been attempting to access weapons stockpiles in Lebanon that have remained since the ceasefire came into effect, according to intelligence collected by the IDF. The Israeli military, with significant contributions from the Israeli Air Force, is continuing to gather intelligence throughout Lebanon to monitor the the terrorist organisation's activities.

Sources informed Israel Hayom that this intelligence operation aims to ensure that Hezbollah does not restore its capabilities. Although Israel has not officially announced this policy, it implicitly rejects France's claims that the ceasefire agreement prohibits the use of unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and other surveillance tools to monitor Hezbollah's actions and infrastructure.

These intelligence-gathering efforts have revealed that Hezbollah members are attempting to reach locations where the terrorist organization had left weapons and other materiel. Their apparent goal is to transport military hardware and assets to northern Lebanon, where Israeli operations are less frequent, or to conceal them from Israeli detection.

Israeli leadership, both political and military, have emphasized that strict enforcement of the ceasefire will continue.

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The third Lebanon war has ended, assuming it won't resume when Donald Trump enters the White House in late January 2025. That's when the first phase – the test phase – of the settlement agreement between Lebanon and Israel is set to conclude.

While in Lebanon, Hezbollah celebrates its "victory" as explained by its deputy leader, Naim Qassem: "We survived the attempt to eliminate us, and therefore we are the victors," the mood in Israel is even more bitter than after the Second Lebanon War. That previous conflict began with poor intelligence about Hezbollah, insufficient missile defense systems, and doubts about ground forces' capabilities against the organization. These factors forced Israel to accept UN Resolution 1701, a "Swiss cheese resolution" that Hezbollah was clearly never going to honor.

This time, the starting point was different, yet we end this campaign with a sense of missed opportunity. Perhaps there was no alternative, but hopefully no one in Israel harbors illusions about "another Lebanon" or believes that the Lebanese government or army will want to or be able to "tame" Hezbollah, or that UNIFIL and similar forces that failed in their mission over the past two decades will succeed this time.

Rather than prophesying about the future, we should try to understand why we missed the opportunity to decisively defeat Hezbollah.

Operation Northern Arrows (which the IDF didn't even designate as a war) began unexpectedly in September 2024, and its end was equally surprising, resulting from multiple incidents along the border and developments in Israel's political arena. Consequently, the IDF entered the campaign with minimal objectives – returning northern residents to their homes – and thus with a risk-averse, minimal plan, paralyzed by the prevailing fear of Hezbollah. The campaign primarily consisted of limited friction with Hezbollah along the border and preemptive strikes against its capabilities.

However, once it became clear that the fear of Hezbollah was exaggerated, and after the dire predictions about its ability to launch thousands of missiles daily, paralyze life in Israel, and cause thousands of casualties proved false – the war's objectives and conduct should have been modified.

This primarily meant extracting a heavy price from both the organization and the Lebanese state, which cooperates with and shelters it, in a way that would break its backbone, eliminate its capabilities, and create deterrence for many years to come.

Yet Israel refrained from attacking Lebanese state institutions due to American pressure, or because some here still maintain the illusion of "another Lebanon." We should remember that voices from Lebanon suggesting all Lebanese oppose Hezbollah are merely a façade, as they neither acted nor will dare act against it.

This doesn't mean targeting Lebanon's critical infrastructure, which would have provoked criticism in Washington, but rather striking state symbols and the Lebanese army, Hezbollah's collaborator, in the organization's strongholds in the south and the Bekaa Valley.

Israel barely touched the organization's political and social wings, its institutions, and economic enterprises. Why did we wait until the eve of the ceasefire to conduct a "finale" strike against 20 targets in the heart of the Dahiyeh, instead of executing similar or more powerful attacks throughout recent months?

Finally, once it became clear that Hezbollah fighters posed no significant threat to IDF soldiers, it was both possible and necessary to deepen the ground maneuver into the heart of Hezbollah-controlled southern Lebanon.

Perhaps the political leadership had good reasons to agree to a ceasefire with Hezbollah, thereby throwing it a lifeline. Still, it's difficult to understand how our war of existence following Oct. 7 transformed into a limited, truncated military operation in the Lebanese arena. We can only hope that when the fourth Lebanon war erupts – its countdown began last week – we'll be blessed not only with remarkable warriors and excellent intelligence but also with a more appropriate planning and decision-making process.

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France has withdrawn its commitment to enforce the International Criminal Court arrest warrant against Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in exchange for securing its role in the Israel-Lebanon ceasefire agreement, a Diplomatic-Security Cabinet minister has revealed to Israel Hayom.

"Without receiving this concession from the French, we would not have included them in the agreement," the minister said.

The development has prompted speculation about whether Netanyahu's openness to the ceasefire initiative is linked to broader arrangements with Western powers regarding their enforcement of ICC warrants.

According to senior Israeli officials, a similar consideration might have been at play in the case of Australia as well. While Canberra had initially pledged to enforce the warrant, it subsequently revised its position, indicating that such enforcement would not be mandatory.

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