According to him, "Honestly, this is a strange and thoughtless decision. If Netanyahu had agreed at the beginning to open the crossing according to the agreement, he would have achieved the following things – respect from the international community, embarrassment for Egypt, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians would have left, only a few hundred would have entered, and the US would have received this as a gift. This is a diplomatic failure."

Nevertheless, Israel views this as an appropriate sanction for the ongoing delay in delivering all deceased hostages.

That is, first a Palestinian police force would be deployed, then a technocratic government would be established, and the PA would return to managing the Strip, and only at the end would the disarmament process begin. According to this proposal, the weapons would pass to the custody of the Palestinian Authority, which would oversee their storage, and its role would be to prevent terrorists from accessing them. It has also been reported that Doha and Ankara are proposing an alternative to the PA: "international supervision."

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For years, Saad topped Israel's target list, evading numerous assassination attempts until Saturday's successful strike. Together with Izz al-Din Haddad, who now leads Hamas' military apparatus in Gaza, he stood as the sole survivor among the organization's pre-war senior leadership and among the handful who knew the intimate details of Hamas' assault blueprint, which Israel designated "Wall of Jericho" (Hamas's operational code for the October 7 attack).

Israel justified Saad's elimination by pointing to his ongoing efforts to reconstitute Hamas' capabilities and an explosive device that injured two reserve soldiers near the southern Strip on Friday. Yet these explanations appear tailored for Washington's consumption: The authentic motivation boils down to a score Israel had to settle with him – or stated plainly, vengeance.

By Saturday evening, Hamas had yet to acknowledge Saad's death. The silence might reflect internal disarray, though questions remain whether the organization retains meaningful retaliatory capacity. Hamas has hemorrhaged most of its military strength alongside its military and civilian leadership throughout the war, leaving it organizationally shattered. Currently it channels its remaining resources toward consolidating control over the Strip's western sector, which stays under its authority. Israel presumably factored this weakness into its assassination calculus, which earned unanimous backing from the diplomatic-security establishment's uppermost echelons.

The singular gamble Israel appears to have accepted concerns the Washington administration. Saad's elimination provides Israel an opportunity to gauge President Donald Trump's temperature, for whom the Gaza accord stands as his first presidential term's marquee diplomatic accomplishment. Trump recently pressed Israel to throttle back its Gaza operations, affording space for the agreement's advancement; if he refrains from erupting now, Israel can interpret his silence as tacit authorization to persist in eliminating Gaza's senior hierarchy, mirroring its Lebanon approach.

Hamas will naturally strive to derail this trajectory, mobilizing its Qatari and Turkish sponsors hoping they'll persuade Trump to muzzle Israel. This contest for the president's attention – and by extension his policy direction – will dictate Gaza's near-term landscape. Israel seeks maximum postponement of transitioning to Phase 2, apprehensive it will mandate further withdrawals absent fundamental shifts in Gaza's circumstances. It partially attributes delays to Hamas' failure to return fallen hostage Ran Gvili, with Hamas contending that Israeli intelligence leads proved fruitless in pinpointing his location.

Three unpalatable paths

Meanwhile, Americans wrestle with assembling a multinational contingent to shoulder Gaza's security burden and execute its demilitarization. Simultaneously, mobilizing the billions required for the Strip's reconstruction proceeds at glacial speed: precisely as before, a chasm yawns between verbal pledges and written commitments. Trump must deploy his full leverage extracting promised funding – including from prosperous nations, principally Saudi Arabia – lest he grow tempted to embrace Qatari financing once more.

This tangle poses difficulties for Israel by generating three unpalatable paths. First, the grandiose promises yield nothing and Hamas continues governing overtly. Second, Americans declare victory prematurely, accepting a phantom governing structure masking Hamas' continued dominance. Third, the accord disintegrates entirely, forcing Israel back into comprehensive Gaza combat – bearing its physical, economic and diplomatic toll.

Israel will likely endeavor provisionally, at least publicly, to afford the agreement implementation opportunities as Trump desires. The assassination will be rationalized, as noted, through immediate operational necessity, simultaneously insisting Hamas cease its ongoing violations. Meanwhile, deliberately avoiding excessive administration irritation and projecting restraint, Israel shelved plans Friday to strike Hezbollah installations in Lebanon.

Israel maintained the scheduled operation was aborted because the Lebanese Armed Forces requested (and obtained) the intended target and pledged to address it independently. This signals encouragingly that threats of escalating military pressure toward renewed warfare are producing results, propelling the Lebanese Armed Forces toward action. Prudence nevertheless counsels withholding definitive conclusions: presently the probability of another Hezbollah confrontation remains elevated, merely deferred temporarily.

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According to the hospital's announcement, the partnership aims to "transform St. Joseph Hospital-Jerusalem into an academic medical institution and provide clinical training for students in various health professions." The statement further noted that the project is "funded and supported by four partners: the French Development Agency (AFD), the Qatar Fund for Development (QFFD), the European Union, and St. Joseph Hospital."

The signing ceremony for the agreement took place in Doha, Qatar, on December 8, 2025. Jamil Kusa, the hospital's director general, said, "We are deeply grateful for the generous support of the Qatar Fund for Development. This partnership is not just a financial agreement; it is a lifeline for thousands of patients who rely on our services. This cooperation will enable us to renovate our facilities, and most importantly – expand our reach to those who need it most."

Ran Ichay, head of research at the Jerusalem Center for Applied Policy (JCAP), responded by saying that "Qatar, the major supporter of Hamas alongside Turkey's Erdogan, continues to buy its way into Jerusalem with substantial funding. Its consistent ally is France, which throughout the war has demonstrated an almost consistently anti-Israel policy."

Ichay, former Israeli ambassador to Kazakhstan and former director general of the Ministry of Jerusalem, added, "France, in its foolishness and inherent anti-Israel stance, joins Qatar, and not for the first time, including support for radical Islam, incitement, and terrorism. Now the consistent channel is the French St. Joseph Hospital in Jerusalem, located near the National Headquarters and the National Security Minister's office on one side, and the Turkish consulate, which is another hub for subversion in the city, on the other."

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Arab and Western diplomatic sources indicate these conditions encompass shuttering all UN refugee agencies, chiefly UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian refugees), across Palestinian Authority territories with particular emphasis on Gaza, while transferring complete responsibility for civilian needs to the Palestinian Authority itself. Israel further insists on transforming "refugee camps" into standard neighborhoods or towns, and abolishing refugee designation throughout Palestinian Authority areas.

Reports from i24NEWS revealed that Israel has positioned the termination of UN refugee agency operations as a prerequisite for IDF withdrawal from Jenin and Tulkarem camps, where forces have maintained presence for months. Diplomatic sources confirm this demand surfaced in Israeli-American discussions and conversations with European intermediaries including Tony Blair and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz during Monday's meeting.

Israel has simultaneously advanced its established requirements: complete Hamas disarmament, comprehensive Israeli security authority with unrestricted military operations even in Palestinian Authority-controlled zones, total demilitarization of Palestinian territories excepting lightly-armed police forces, meaningful curriculum overhauls in Palestinian Authority educational institutions from kindergarten through university eliminating antisemitic and anti-Israel materials, population-wide de-radicalization initiatives, genuine Palestinian Authority security operations against terror organizations, and additional measures. Israel views these as essential preconditions for accepting a process culminating in Palestinian statehood, as mandated by the Trump plan (the framework for Gaza's future governance and normalization) Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu endorsed.

During Monday's press conference following his session with Chancellor Merz, Netanyahu declared, "We believe pathways exist for advancing broader Arab peace and establishing workable peace with our Palestinian neighbors, but we refuse to create a state dedicated to our annihilation directly next to us. The sole principle we'll invariably maintain is Israeli sovereign security authority. We sidestepped the Palestinian Authority because it lacks peace commitment. Everyone claims they'll transform – I'm skeptical. They must cease indoctrinating their children in murdering Israelis and compensating terrorists."

Negotiations toward Phase 2

Diplomatic contacts have persisted toward an American announcement on commencing Phase 2 negotiations of the Trump plan (the framework for Gaza's future governance and normalization). The principal obstacle remains the unreturned body of the final fallen captive, Staff Sgt. Ran Gvili, a Yasam (Israel Police Special Patrol Unit) combatant killed battling Hamas terrorists on October 7 after neutralizing dozens.

Shin Bet Director David Zini traveled to Cairo last week, conferring with Egyptian counterparts on intelligence approximately pinpointing Gvili's location. Subsequently, Monday witnessed renewed searches in Gaza's Zeitoun neighborhood, conducted with Red Cross and Hamas representatives present.

Washington has pushed to announce Phase 2's commencement regardless of Gvili's recovery. Gvili's family petitioned Prime Minister Netanyahu against any advancement until Gvili's return. Family members report Netanyahu consented.

The Trump plan's Phase 2 encompasses Hamas's weapons dismantlement and governance transfer to an international civilian entity, paired with further Israeli withdrawal per security protocols. Hamas leadership has consistently proclaimed the organization won't relinquish arms, with internal disagreement on this matter, though even moderates reject complete weapons surrender.

Arab sources maintain that characterizing the situation as absent any transfer preparation progress misrepresents reality, asserting the incoming weeks will unveil the new governing apparatus designated for Strip authority, comprising an internationally-participated governing council alongside a bureaucratic administrative structure predominantly consisting of Palestinian Gaza residents, including former Palestinian Authority functionaries preceding Hamas's takeover.

Qatar seeks guarantees

Monday witnessed a noteworthy Washington meeting assembling Mossad Director David Barnea, Special Envoy Steve Witkoff, and a high-ranking Qatari delegate. This inaugural session in the reconciliation process represented the Netanyahu-Trump agreement's implementation. The initiative commenced with Netanyahu's White House call to Qatar's Prime Minister al-Thani during Netanyahu's late September Trump meeting.

The session established that within this US-mediated framework, monthly consultations will address contentious matters. Current agenda items encompass Qatar's Hamas member hosting, Qatari "mediation" that Israel contends yielded disappointing outcomes, and Qatar's insistence on Israeli pledges against territorial attacks.

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Secretary of State Marco Rubio has raised the prospect of the 63-year-old socialist leader relocating to the gas-rich emirate, which is facilitating negotiations, a senior Trump administration source disclosed to The Post.

Five administration officials – three serving and two former – told The Post they view the arrangement as plausible.

"Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE love to do stuff like this. It helps build chits with the US," an administration-connected source remarked to The Post. "All three compete against each other – in the region and for the ultimate affection of the US."

However, a source knowledgeable about Qatar's Venezuela mediation efforts insisted to The Post that Maduro is not seeking residences in Doha. Qatar's rulers previously facilitated a Trump-proposed peace framework between Israel and Hamas, and the emirate had been hosting senior Hamas figures before Israeli airstrikes in September targeted them for elimination.

"It is untrue that Maduro is fleeing to Qatar," this person stated, according to The Post.

Trump contacted Maduro last week demanding immediate resignation, with the embattled Venezuelan leader reportedly suggesting a power transfer to his vice president alongside comprehensive amnesty for himself and confederates, The Post learned.

The State Department declined to comment when contacted, according to The Post.

Last month, the Trump administration classified Maduro and his associates as foreign terrorist organization members, broadening US military authority for Venezuela operations, The Post reported. Rubio branded the purported Cartel de los Soles, allegedly commanded by Maduro, "responsible for terrorist violence."

The White House has invoked the terrorist classification to legitimize military operations against suspected drug-smuggling vessels in Caribbean waters, including a September 2 dual strike that eliminated survivors, according to The Post.

White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt justified the continuing boat operations – which have eliminated at least 80 individuals – by citing "self-defense to protect Americans and vital United States interests."

Trump convened Monday afternoon with Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and additional senior officials to evaluate subsequent actions against Maduro, The Post reported.

US officials are presently collecting intelligence to shape recommendations, with a determination anticipated later this week or early next week, according to The Post.

One prospect involves targeting suspected narcotics smugglers within Venezuela's territorial boundaries – extending 12 nautical miles from shore, The Post learned. Such operations would intensify political demands on Trump to obtain congressional war authorization, as legislators across party lines have already rejected the boat operations conducted without their approval.

Trump declared on October 23 he was preparing congressional notification of plans for land operations inside Venezuela, but has delayed while pursuing Maduro's negotiated resignation and departure, according to The Post.

During Tuesday's Cabinet session, Trump issued warnings about striking land-based Venezuelan narcotics traffickers – and indicated Colombian operators also face danger, The Post reported. "Anybody that's doing that and selling it into our country is subject to attack," Trump declared. "No, not just Venezuela."

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Hamas' military wing made clear early this week that fighter surrender or weapons abandonment remain off the table. Mohammad Nazzal, a senior Hamas official abroad, rejected exile outside Gaza and urged mediators to intervene.

Turkey wasted no time seizing this as another diplomatic opportunity, with sources saying it is "working to ensure safe passage for approximately 200 'Gazan civilians' trapped in Rafah tunnels" – as if 200 civilians simply got stuck in underground passages.

The deteriorating relationship between Ankara and Jerusalem, sparked by Turkish arrest warrants and Israel's response, combined with Israeli opposition to Turkish participation in Gaza's multinational force, will feature in Jared Kushner's discussions with Netanyahu, though not as the central focus.

Washington's primary objective is stabilizing the ceasefire. Meeting this goal requires advancing to stage two of the Trump plan and generating implementation momentum. With everyone occupied by processes and mechanisms, reality on the ground will shift toward non-combat, enabling Trump to pursue his broader diplomatic ambitions.

From Israel's perspective, however, the ceasefire is not the end goal. Particularly not now, after recovering living hostages and most deceased remains. Eliminating enemy capabilities and removing weapons from the territory remain Israel's core objectives, which cannot be sacrificed to ceasefire demands or satisfied through cosmetic arrangements.

Furthermore, Israel's approach in Gaza will directly impact Hezbollah arrangements (and the reverse), leaving no room for creative half-measures that sound good but deliver nothing.

Even without this consideration, regional discourse is already showing such formulas emerging. Examples include attempts to limit disarmament definitions to offensive weapons only – excluding tunnels, personal arms, and other capabilities from discussion. Another involves establishing an "administrative committee" for civilian Gaza governance, supposedly without Hamas participation, when the terror group already influences personnel selection and will clearly control such governance as the Strip's dominant force.

Returning to the besieged in Rafah – their number remains unclear. Media reports citing Israeli sources estimate 150 to 200. Foreign press mentioned lower figures, while Hamas websites simply stated the military wing withholds information due to sensitivity, describing them as "Qassam elite" facing high risk "while contending with medical supply shortages, electricity deficits, and the need to secure tunnels after extensive war damage."

Hamas spokesmen have raised no claims about broken commitments on this matter. They frame the connection to recovering IDF soldier Hadar Goldin's remains through humanitarian considerations and stability interests.

Given these circumstances, Israel possesses every advantage to transform this incident into a powerful symbol of its Hamas dismantlement commitment. Time favors us here, and provided our forces can block attacks from the besieged or other directions, no rush exists. Regardless, this event's conclusion must be decisive – mass surrender, detention or terrorist deaths. Images and publicity carry value. This is how regimes fall. Exile, as some mediators suggest, while not inherently rejected, should only acceptable as a post-surrender, post-arrest step, never as a replacement.

A Al-Resalah Hamas website editorial characterized the besieged issue as testing Hamas' capacity for post-war challenges. "It combines military, diplomatic, and humanitarian aspects and conveys an important message to the Palestinian public and the world regarding Hamas's ability to protect its people and manage humanitarian crises, in an extremely complex environment and under international supervision." This equally tests Israeli determination, providing further reason Israel cannot accept any solution Hamas would claim as an achievement.

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"I think right now it's almost impossible," said Alghashian, a researcher of Saudi foreign policy, in an interview with Israel Hayom. "First of all, Netanyahu has made relations with Israel and his government too toxic. Saudi public opinion has a very negative perception regarding normalization, and in effect Saudi Arabia is distancing itself from normalization. Second, the things Saudi Arabia wants from the US are achievable in stages. It can achieve a defense alliance because that doesn't require Congressional approval."

Beyond that, Alghashian noted that since Israel's strike in Qatar, its perception in Saudi Arabia has become particularly negative. "I think many people are trying to raise speculation out of wishful thinking or even as part of a certain practice. It has become the norm to raise speculation about normalization. It seems as if nothing else is happening in the region besides this. There is a situation of ethnic cleansing in Sudan, but people mainly talk about Saudi Arabia and Israel."

Factors are in motion

According to him, there are too many factors related to normalization that "are in motion" – like the elections in Israel, the conduct of the administration in the US, and even potential elections in the Palestinian Authority – so it's doubtful whether Saudi Arabia will even consider such a move.

When asked by Israel Hayom why Saudi Arabia views the strike against Hamas leaders in Qatar as something negative, he replied: "It's not necessarily related to Hamas. There isn't much love for Hamas in Saudi Arabia, it must be said. What the Saudis were furious about is that the talks (regarding a ceasefire agreement and hostage deal) were held in Qatar because that's what the Americans wanted for this mediation. Netanyahu and his people appreciated the fact that Qatar was mediating and serving as a channel of communication. From the Saudi point of view, the reason for the fury is the fact that the Qataris hosted the mediation efforts and Netanyahu attacked Doha.

"Another reason is that right now it seems Israel reaches anywhere it wants in the Middle East. It shows that, and it doesn't hide it. That's another reason why Saudi Arabia is not interested in normalizing its relations with Israel right now. Any discussion about normalization now will appear as if it's being conducted from a position of weakness on Saudi Arabia's part, or that it's being pushed into normalization forcibly. That's something that would be considered political suicide, to be honest. There's also a question regarding relations with the US. There is a lack of trust because the Americans are not willing to restrain Netanyahu."

Different government

Given that there will be a different government in Israel, will this development advance normalization, or is it more complicated?

"In my opinion, if such a government could bring something to the Palestinian issue, then it could happen, but it's more complicated than that. Theoretically, it's not enough, as I think a significant move is needed to be convincing to both parties. First of all, for the Saudi public opinion. Right now, Saudi public opinion must be taken into account. For a long time, they say 'Palestinian state.'

"Therefore, anything less than a state will need to be significant enough. Another matter is that the Palestinian Authority also needs to be convinced by this move. That the Palestinian Authority will say 'yes, this is good enough.' Lapid, Eisenkot, and even Bennett can get there, but these are the conditions. And this doesn't include the American component. The Saudi public knows much more about the dynamics of the occupation and the Palestinian-Israeli issue. That's the reason something significant is needed, and public opinion needs to be taken into account more."

You mentioned the influence of Saudi public opinion on decision-making. Is this a new phenomenon, or has the royal house considered this over the years?

"It's not new," he said. "Saudi Arabia always took public opinion into account. This is one of the reasons why, historically, the Saudis were gradual or slow in their process regarding Israel and regarding their foreign relations in general.

"That's the reason why people think Saudi Arabia opened quickly under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, when the reality is that it's part of a gradual process. In foreign policy decisions, they always took local public opinion into account. That's the reason why fatwas (religious rulings) are very important, and they will continue to be important. You can see this even in the case of 'Desert Storm' (the first Gulf War, in which American forces were deployed to the kingdom). Believe it or not, Saudi Arabia made relations with Israel legitimate in the early 1990s in religious discourse."

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Gazan network activist Mahmoud al-Amoudi, who supports Hamas, reacted to the victory, "Considering the city, the candidate, the slogans and issues he promoted, which until recently could have ended his political life or brought his life to an end – despite this, he won. The meaning is that we moved from the stage of slogans and solidarity to the stage of practical influence and change. When Netanyahu said they would change the face of the Middle East he was right, despite being a liar. Accordingly, not only the Middle East, but the face of the world will now change gradually. But they will bring no change except Gaza. The most important gain is that the narrative from which the occupier feeds has begun to shift in favor of the Palestinians."

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According to the source, Qatar and the US presented the sharp Israeli responses to the two incidents in recent days, in which IDF soldiers were killed, as a warning to Hamas that if it is not willing to give up its weapons, no one will prevent Israel from continuing the attacks. The source rejected the criticism from the right regarding the scale of the responses and said that dozens of dead Hamas commanders, including commanders at various levels of the organization, are the greatest means of pressure on the terror organization.

It appears that in the weeks before the ceasefire, Hamas members were particularly afraid of these types of attacks, in which family members of senior Hamas officials – those involved in terror or uninvolved – are also killed. It is possible that these attacks led to appeals from senior officials in the organization to the negotiation managers to bring about a ceasefire.

Hamas claimed that the perpetrators of the attacks against IDF soldiers were not subject to their authority and not in contact with the headquarters. Israel presented the Americans with information contradicting Hamas' claims and accused the organization of carrying out deliberate attacks to accelerate the IDF's withdrawal from the Strip.

An Israeli source said, "Hamas has a perception that it is possible to make the soldiers' lives miserable, to cause casualties, and thus create pressure on the government to speed up the withdrawal, as happened in the Disengagement and in Lebanon. With that, it will not take responsibility and will claim it is adhering to the ceasefire." In contacts with Hamas, the organization was required by the mediators to impose authority on the terrorists carrying out the attacks and to stop the delays in handing over the deceased hostages' bodies.

The Qatari PM said, "The situation in Rafah is disappointing; it is clear to us that Hamas is ready to give up rule in Gaza." Israel has conditioned the continuation of negotiations on the second stage upon the completion of the handover of hostage bodies, and the assessment is that pressure from the mediators and the Americans, as well as Israel's attacks, will lead to the handover of at least eight more bodies in the coming days.

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At the conference, Cohen revealed cases where the Mossad during his tenure shared life-saving intelligence, including with Australia. "We gave the Australians probably one of the most critical intelligence items, which saved hundreds of lives, when a bomb was en route to an Etihad aircraft scheduled to depart Sydney for Dubai or Abu Dhabi. This was our intelligence, and what do we receive back from Australia?" Cohen asked, referring to Canberra's recognition of a Palestinian state.

Cohen indicated Israel provides life-saving intelligence to other Western intelligence agencies, primarily the American CIA and British MI6. Cohen emphasized Israel shouldn't stop intelligence sharing, explaining, "We need to trade this coordinated intelligence, which ultimately saves lives, for improved support. I'm not proposing the Mossad or Israel's intelligence forces cease collecting or sharing intelligence with our global partners to protect other people's lives [meaning non-Israelis], but I am proposing we trade it differently."

Earlier this week, the Mossad exposed an Iranian operative who planned attacks in Australia, Germany and Greece. Cohen officially stated at the conference he won't run in the upcoming elections. However, he didn't rule out entering political life later. When asked about running for office in elections a year away, Cohen responded, "The answer is no. Not now. We'll see what develops."

Cohen revealed Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu previously told him he considered him his successor. "When I served as Mossad chief, Prime Minister Netanyahu suggested I was his successor. One day I approached him and asked if he genuinely said this, and he confirmed it, explaining his reasoning. This occurred in 2018 or 2019 I believe, and then my wife responded, 'No, absolutely not. We're not entering this.' But I believe everything shifted dramatically after October 7, and there's a need for fresh leadership. So the possibility can't be completely ruled out. I'm weighing everything, but my decision now is no."

Video: Yossi Cohen at the Shurat Hadin conference with Ariel Kahana / Credit : Ohad Kab

Regarding the war-ending agreement, Cohen stated, "This isn't the perfect agreement, but currently it's time for a ceasefire and this was a price worth accepting for freeing the hostages. I don't believe the US or other parties will block Israel from combating terror going forward. Israel should decide whether to cut all ties with Qatar once all deceased hostages return. We lack genuine relations with them, we merely used them as intermediaries for channeling funds to Gaza, ostensibly for the population's welfare, but actually they reached Hamas. This was an error, designed for humanitarian assistance, but concluded with the money financing terror."

Attorney Nitzana Darshan-Leitner, president of the Shurat HaDin organization and conference organizer, concluded, "The war isn't over yet. The policy threats to create a Palestinian state combined with The Hague court's hostility lead to an unprecedented surge in Israel hatred and antisemitism. We must consolidate all forces addressing this issue to push back. Let the entire world understand it's unacceptable to allow terror to gain strength. We must combat it on the battlefield, in courtrooms and also in the global public opinion sphere. If we work together, we can secure the future of the Jewish people in the Land and throughout the Diaspora."

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