Abdi came to Israel as a guest of the Israel-Africa Institute. In conversation with Israel Hayom, he revealed Turkey conducts launch experiments in Eritrea with ballistic missile that can reach Israel, among other destinations.

"The main message for the State of Israel is that Israel cannot afford to stay out of Africa, out of the Red Sea arena, out of the western Indian Ocean. Many of Israel's strategic rivals are advancing very strongly on the continent right now," Abdi said.

He added, "Turkey signed a groundbreaking security cooperation agreement with Somalia. There are thousands of Turkish soldiers stationed there, and they are building a space base that will ultimately allow Turkey to improve the range of its ballistic missiles."

Abdi added that an area north of Mogadishu has been identified, where the Somali president announced Turkey received land for port development and a space base. "If I were Israel, I would definitely be worried."

Turkey, he said, has "blue water capabilities" – Turkish naval vessels patrol through the Suez Canal, down the Red Sea and along the Somali coast. "For the first time, Turkey is not just a Mediterranean power, but also a power in the Red Sea and in the western Indian Ocean."

Eugene Kandel, chairman of the Board of the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, said at the conference, "Radical Islam operates in Africa too and tries to return Africa to conflict against the West. Israel must not let this happen."

Shiri Fein-Grossman, CEO of the Israel-Africa Relations Institute, said, "Israel can make a tremendous difference in Africa at a relatively low investment."

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Moscow has long eyed the Red Sea as a gateway for global influence and trade. In recent years, the Kremlin revived Soviet-era plans for warm-water ports along this strategic corridor. A 2020 agreement to establish a Russian naval facility at Port Sudan was touted as a breakthrough, granting Russia a foothold on Africa's Red Sea coast. However, Sudan's erupting internal conflict in April 2023 derailed the deal, putting it "on hold indefinitely" after initially being offered in exchange for arms and aid. Undeterred, Russian officials have repeatedly claimed the project is back on track – as recently as February 2025 – underscoring Moscow's persistence despite Sudan's turmoil

With Sudan's stability in question, Russia has courted neighboring Eritrea as an alternate anchor. Eritrea's authoritarian leadership, diplomatically isolated from the West, has signaled openness to deeper ties with Moscow – even hinting at hosting a foreign base in the future Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited Eritrea in early 2023, discussing access to the Red Sea port of Massawa and signing a cooperation memorandum with Eritrean officials. Potential sites like Massawa or Assab could give Russia a strategic berth near the Bab el-Mandeb chokepoint, complementing its naval facility in Syria and projecting power along vital shipping lanes. In Egypt, while no base is on the horizon, Moscow has strengthened naval diplomacy. Joint exercises such as the regular "Friendship Bridge" drills, first launched in 2015, reflect growing Russia-Egypt defense ties Russian warships have also made port calls in Egypt, highlighting a quiet naval presence around the Suez Canal. Together, these engagements with Sudan, Eritrea, and Egypt illustrate Russia's realpolitik drive to secure Red Sea access and protect its maritime trade (an estimated 8–10% of Russia's foreign commerce moves through Suez and the Red Sea).

China's strategic foothold in Djibouti

Beijing's entry into the Red Sea arena has been swift and transformative. In 2017, China opened its first-ever overseas military base in Djibouti, overlooking the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. The PLA Navy's Djibouti facility – officially a "logistics support base" – sits just miles from the US Camp Lemonnier, symbolizing China's expanding global reach. Chinese officials insist the base supports anti-piracy and peacekeeping operations, but its mere 7-mile proximity to America's largest African base has raised US eyebrows. Notably, Djibouti now hosts at least eight foreign military bases (American, Chinese, French, Japanese and more) due to its strategic location at the Red Sea's mouth, where roughly 10–12% of global trade transits each year

China's presence extends well beyond troops on the ground. State-owned Chinese firms have invested heavily in Djibouti's ports and infrastructure as part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China Merchants Group holds stakes in Djibouti's key container terminals and helped finance the modern Doraleh port complex. Beijing's dual economic–military strategy is evident: Chinese companies build and operate port facilities, then the PLA Navy gains access. (Doraleh, initially a commercial venture, was quietly expanded in 2017 to host China's naval pier) Across the wider Red Sea region, Chinese investment runs into the billions of dollars, funding ports, railways and industrial zones that knit into the BRI's maritime silk road. For example, Chinese enterprises have a hand in Egypt's Suez Canal Economic Zone developments and recently agreed to build a large new container terminal at Ain Sokhna on the Red Sea coast. This economic foothold bolsters China's energy security and trade: vital oil and LNG shipments from the Persian Gulf pass through Bab el-Mandeb, as do China–Europe container routes. In short, China has secured a strategic Djibouti anchor and a network of regional investments to safeguard the Red Sea leg of its global supply chain.

Trade routes and chokepoints: global stakes

The Red Sea–Suez corridor is a jugular vein of world commerce, linking the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. Close to 15% of global trade – from Mideast oil to Asian manufactures – travels via these waters toward the Suez Canal. Likewise, the narrow Bab el-Mandeb Strait sees enormous energy flows. In 2023, an estimated 8.6 million barrels of crude and petroleum products per day transited Bab el-Mandeb, roughly 10% of seaborne oil trade. This makes the Red Sea a strategic prize but also a vulnerable chokepoint. Any disruption can send shockwaves through global markets – as seen when a grounded megaship blocked the Suez Canal in 2021, or when past Arab–Israeli wars closed the canal entirely.

Today, instability at the Red Sea's southern end is a real concern. Yemen's ongoing civil war has periodically spilled into the maritime domain: the Iran-backed Houthi rebels have used mines, drones and missiles to threaten ships near Bab el-Mandeb. Late 2023 saw a surge of Houthi attacks on commercial vessels (nominally targeting Israeli-linked ships in solidarity with Gaza). In reality these strikes hit indiscriminately – even a Russian-owned tanker was struck by a Houthi missile in January 2024 The violence forced some shippers to reroute vessels around Africa, adding weeks of transit. By mid-2024, oil transit through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait had plummeted by over 50%, falling to just 4 million barrels/day as wary tankers avoided the danger zone. Such disruptions underscore how quickly local conflicts can endanger global supply lines.

US and allied responses

Western powers and regional allies have not been idle in the face of Russia and China's expanding Red Sea roles. The United States maintains a robust presence – centered on Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti – to safeguard shipping lanes and counter terrorism. US Naval Forces Central Command (5th Fleet) regularly patrols the Red Sea corridor, and American warships have intervened directly against emergent threats. Since late 2023, US destroyers and allied vessels have shot down dozens of Houthi-launched drones and missiles menacing Red Sea shipping. In one notable case, the USS Carney intercepted a "complex" barrage of Houthi missiles heading toward commercial ships and potentially Israel. This rapid response likely prevented a major maritime crisis. Meanwhile, European allies such as France (which also bases forces in Djibouti) and the UK have enhanced naval security missions in the region, building on years of anti-piracy operations off Somalia. Even Japan – heavily reliant on Middle East oil – operates a base in Djibouti and deploys naval assets to protect freedom of navigation.

Strategically, Washington is also adjusting to great-power competition on the Red Sea. Concerned by Beijing's Djibouti stronghold, US policymakers are exploring deeper partnerships with Red Sea states and Gulf allies. One proposal envisions a "triangle of influence" linking the US , the UAE, and Israel to support Djibouti with economic and security incentives as a counterweight to China. American diplomats are likewise re-engaging Sudan's neighbors and the new Red Sea littoral forum to promote stability. While the US still far outpaces China militarily in the region, officials acknowledge that influence cannot be taken for granted when Chinese trade and investment loom so large.  Thus, expect sustained US naval patrols, training initiatives with local navies, and quiet diplomacy to keep this corridor open and balance the new Russian and Chinese presence.

Implications for Israel's security and trade

For Israel, the Red Sea is both a critical artery and a potential arena of risk. The waterway provides Israel's only direct link from Eilat to the Indian Ocean, and via the Suez Canal to Asia. Historically, blockading the Red Sea has been viewed by Israel as an existential threat – the closure of the Straits of Tiran in 1967 helped trigger war. Today's challenges are more complex. Yemen's Houthi rebels, for instance, explicitly threatened Israeli shipping in late 2023, raising alarm in Jerusalem that one of its main shipping routes could be cut off. In practice, only a small portion of Israel's trade (mostly imports from Asia) actually transits the Red Sea, limiting the economic impact of disruptions. But even a temporary diversion of cargo ships around Africa drives up costs and underscores Israel's geographic vulnerability. Memories of the 1967–1975 Suez Canal closure – which forced Israeli goods to circumnavigate the continent – linger as a cautionary tale. Not surprisingly, Israel has beefed up its naval posture in these waters.

In recent years the Israeli Navy has quietly extended its reach into the Red Sea and beyond. Under US auspices, Israel now participates in multinational Red Sea security exercises, drilling alongside Arab states and Western navies to counter piracy and terror threats. Israeli warships have reportedly escorted commercial vessels at risk and even carried out covert strikes on hostile targets in Yemen when vital interests were at stake. The presence of Russian and Chinese fleets adds a new dimension: Jerusalem must navigate carefully to protect its freedom of operation without clashing with these great powers. While Israel maintains cordial ties with both Moscow and Beijing, it relies on the US-led security framework in the Red Sea. Thus, an expanded Russian base or a growing Chinese flotilla could complicate Israel's calculus – for example, by boosting Iran's confidence or constraining Israeli naval movements. At the same time, a stronger international patrol presence might deter common threats like arms smuggling to Gaza or attacks on shipping. Israeli officials therefore watch the Red Sea chessboard closely, weighing how Russia's and China's moves might affect the delicate balance of maritime security.

Regional instability and great-power maneuvering

The backdrop to Russia and China's Red Sea foray is a region rife with instability. The protracted war in Yemen has turned the Bab el-Mandeb into a flashpoint where militias target tankers and trigger global alar In Sudan, the outbreak of fighting between rival generals not only stalled Khartoum's foreign partnerships but also raised fears of a humanitarian and security vacuum on the Red Sea's western shore. Both Moscow and Beijing have had to recalibrate their approaches as these conflicts unfold – evacuating citizens, pausing investments, or engaging in quiet mediation. Instability can both hinder and invite great-power involvement: Russia's naval base plans were thrown into limbo by Sudan's war, yet Moscow may see opportunity in offering Sudan's embattled leaders military aid for future access. China, for its part, has generally avoided entanglement in local wars, but it has dispatched envoys to promote peace in the Horn of Africa and even offered to mediate the Yemen conflict. Both powers publicly stress that their Red Sea presence contributes to regional stability – protecting trade routes from piracy or terrorism. Indeed, international naval patrols did suppress Somali piracy a decade ago, a success all stakeholders welcomed. But an emerging concern is that the Red Sea could become a theater for major power rivalry layered atop local conflicts. As Russian, Chinese, American, and allied vessels all operate in proximity, the risk of miscalculation or proxy friction grows. A crowded geopolitical stage also means Red Sea littoral states must deftly manage external suitors while addressing internal strife.

In summary, the Red Sea in August 2025 stands at a crossroads of global strategic currents. Russia and China's expanding footprint – one reviving old Soviet ambitions, the other extending a modern Silk Road – is reshaping the security landscape of this vital corridor. Their moves have prompted a measured response from the United States and partners determined to maintain open sea lanes. For countries like Israel, which straddle the region's nexus of trade and security, the stakes are high but nuanced: opportunities for cooperation exist alongside new vulnerabilities. Ultimately, the Red Sea's future will be influenced not just by great-power competition, but by the resolution of regional conflicts in Yemen and Sudan that continue to threaten the lifelines of global commerce. A balance between external engagement and local stability will be key to keeping this strategic waterway a conduit for prosperity rather than confrontation.

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In the wake of Houthi attacks near the entrance to the Suez Canal and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, some ships have started broadcasting declarations about the nationality or religion of their crew, such as "All crew Muslim", to make clear they have no connection to Israel.

Video: Direct hit by the Houthis – the sinking of the Greek vessel Eternity C

The move comes after a week in which the Houthis sank two vessels, resuming their attacks after a months-long lull. Houthi leader Abdul-Malik al-Houthi reiterated the group's policy that any cargo linked to Israel would be barred from passage through the Red Sea. Despite attempts at subterfuge, including claims of Chinese crew members or onboard armed guards, maritime security experts warned that the Houthis' intelligence-gathering capabilities are growing increasingly sophisticated, keeping the risk of being attacked high.

These renewed assaults have sent insurance costs for shipping in the area soaring, more than doubling in just one week. Some insurers have even ceased covering voyages through the Red Sea altogether.

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The administration originally approved an extensive campaign aimed at reopening shipping lanes in the Red Sea by forcing the Houthi fighters into submission, with Trump demanding visible progress within 30 days of the initial strikes. When that deadline passed without significant achievements, the president's patience expired, The New York Times revealed.

During the first month of intensified operations, Houthi forces managed to shoot down several American MQ-9 Reaper drones worth approximately $30 million each while continuing to launch missiles at vessels in the Red Sea, including an American aircraft carrier. The financial burden of the operation quickly mounted as the US depleted weapons and munitions at a staggering rate, The New York Times reported.

Compounding these challenges, two F/A-18 Super Hornets worth $67 million each accidentally fell from America's flagship aircraft carrier into the sea during operations against the Houthis, according to officials who spoke with The New York Times.

By this point, Trump had grown disillusioned with the campaign. His Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, already engaged in Omani-mediated nuclear discussions with Iran, learned from Omani officials about a potential exit strategy from the Houthi conflict – the US would cease bombing while the Yemeni group would stop targeting American vessels, though without pledging to end disruptions to shipping supporting Israel, American and Arab officials told The New York Times.

The White House subsequently ordered US Central Command to "pause" offensive operations on May 5, bringing the operation to an abrupt conclusion. During his announcement of hostilities ending, Trump expressed near admiration for the group he had earlier promised would be "completely annihilated."

"We hit them very hard and they had a great ability to withstand punishment," Trump said. "You could say there was a lot of bravery there." He added that "they gave us their word that they wouldn't be shooting at ships anymore, and we honor that."

Whether this arrangement holds remains uncertain. The Houthis launched a ballistic missile toward Israel on Friday, triggering air raid sirens that forced people off beaches in Tel Aviv, though Israeli air defenses intercepted the projectile, according to The New York Times reporting.

The premature declaration of success against the Houthis demonstrates how certain members of Trump's national security team underestimated a group renowned for its resilience. General Michael E. Kurilla, who heads Central Command, had advocated for forceful action, initially supported by the defense secretary and national security adviser, according to several officials with knowledge of the discussions. Despite the intense bombing campaign, the Houthis managed to fortify many of their bunkers and weapons depots, The New York Times noted.

More significantly, these advisers misjudged their commander-in-chief's tolerance for military engagements in the region, which he is visiting this week with stops in Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Trump has consistently opposed prolonged military involvements in the Middle East and dedicated his first term to withdrawing troops from Syria, Afghanistan and Iraq, according to The New York Times.

Trump's recently appointed chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Caine, harbored concerns that a prolonged campaign against the Houthis would divert military resources away from the Asia-Pacific region. His predecessor, General Charles Q. Brown Jr., shared similar views before being dismissed in February, The New York Times reported.

By May 5, Trump was prepared to conclude the operation, according to multiple officials interviewed by The New York Times.

"We honor their commitment and their word," Trump stated in remarks at the White House on Wednesday.

White House spokeswoman Anna Kelly provided a statement to The New York Times saying: "President Trump successfully delivered a ceasefire, which is another good deal for America and our security." She added that the US military had carried out more than 1,100 strikes, killing hundreds of Houthi fighters and destroying their weapons and equipment.

Sean Parnell, the chief Pentagon spokesman, emphasized that the operation was always intended to be limited. "Every aspect of the campaign was coordinated at the highest levels of civilian and military leadership," he said in an emailed statement to The New York Times.

A former senior official familiar with discussions about Yemen defended Michael Waltz, Trump's former national security adviser, stating he fulfilled a coordinating role without advocating any policy beyond wanting to implement the president's objectives, according to The New York Times.

General Kurilla had been targeting the Houthis since November 2023, when the group began attacking vessels traversing the Red Sea as a way to oppose Israel's Gaza operation, The New York Times reported.

However, former President Joseph R. Biden Jr. believed that engaging the Houthis in a major campaign would enhance their global profile. Instead, he authorized more restricted strikes against the group, which failed to deter the Houthis, according to The New York Times.

With Trump as his new commander-in-chief, General Kurilla proposed an 8-10 month campaign where Air Force and Navy warplanes would eliminate Houthi air defense systems. Following this, US forces would conduct targeted assassinations modeled after Israel's recent operation against Hezbollah, three US officials told The New York Times.

Saudi officials supported General Kurilla's strategy and provided a list of 12 senior Houthi leaders whose elimination, they claimed, would cripple the movement. The United Arab Emirates, another key US ally in the region, expressed less confidence, noting that the Houthis had endured years of Saudi and Emirati bombardment, The New York Times reported.

By early March, Trump had approved portions of General Kurilla's plan – airstrikes targeting Houthi air defense systems and operations against the group's leadership. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth designated the campaign Operation Rough Rider, according to The New York Times.

At some point, General Kurilla's 8-10 month strategy was compressed to just 30 days to demonstrate results, The New York Times noted.

During those initial 30 days, the Houthis downed seven American MQ-9 drones (valued at approximately $30 million each), hampering Central Command's capacity to monitor and target the group. Several American F-16s and an F-35 fighter jet narrowly avoided being hit by Houthi air defenses, raising the possibility of American casualties, multiple US officials told The New York Times.

That possibility became reality when two pilots and a flight deck crew member suffered injuries in two separate incidents involving F/A-18 Super Hornets, which plunged into the Red Sea from the aircraft carrier Harry S. Truman within a 10-day period, The New York Times reported.

Meanwhile, several members of Trump's national security team were managing fallout from revelations that Hegseth had jeopardized US pilots by sharing operational plans about the strikes in a Signal app chat. Waltz had initiated the chat and unintentionally included a journalist, according to The New York Times.

American strikes had targeted more than 1,000 locations, including command and control facilities, air defense systems, advanced weapons manufacturing facilities and storage sites, the Pentagon reported. Additionally, more than a dozen senior Houthi leaders had been killed, the military stated, according to The New York Times.

The operation's cost was enormous, however. The Pentagon had deployed two aircraft carriers, additional B-2 bombers and fighter jets, as well as Patriot and THAAD air defenses to the Middle East, officials acknowledged privately. By the end of the first 30 days, expenditures had surpassed $1 billion, The New York Times learned.

So many precision munitions were being utilized, particularly advanced long-range weapons, that Pentagon contingency planners grew increasingly worried about overall stockpiles and implications for scenarios where the US might need to counter a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan, according to The New York Times.

Throughout this period, the Houthis continued firing at vessels and drones while reinforcing their bunkers and relocating weapons stockpiles underground, The New York Times reported.

The White House began requesting metrics of success from Central Command, which responded by providing data on munitions deployed. The intelligence community indicated "some degradation" of Houthi capabilities but argued the group could easily rebuild, officials told The New York Times.

Senior national security officials contemplated two options. They could intensify operations for up to another month and then conduct "freedom of navigation" exercises in the Red Sea using two carrier groups, the Carl Vinson and the Truman. If the Houthis refrained from attacking these vessels, the Trump administration would claim victory, according to The New York Times.

Alternatively, officials said, the campaign could be extended to allow Yemeni government forces time to resume efforts to expel the Houthis from the capital and key ports, The New York Times reported.

In late April, Hegseth organized a video conference with Saudi and Emirati officials and senior representatives from the State Department and White House to develop a sustainable strategy and achievable outcome they could present to the president, according to The New York Times.

The group failed to reach consensus, US officials told The New York Times.

Now participating in discussions on the Houthi operation was General Caine, Trump's new Joint Chiefs chairman, who questioned the value of an extended campaign. General Caine, aides said, worried about diverting assets he considered necessary for the Pacific region, The New York Times reported.

Also skeptical of continuing the operation were Vice President JD Vance; Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard; Secretary of State Marco Rubio; and Trump's Chief of Staff, Susie Wiles. Hegseth, according to individuals familiar with the discussions, vacillated between both positions, The New York Times noted.

Trump himself had become the most significant skeptic, according to The New York Times.

On April 28, the Truman had to execute a sudden maneuver at sea to avoid incoming Houthi fire, several US officials told The New York Times. This contributed to the loss of one Super Hornet, which was being towed at the time and fell overboard. That same day, dozens of people died in a US attack that struck a migrant facility controlled by the Houthis, according to the group and aid officials, The New York Times reported.

Then on May 4, a Houthi ballistic missile bypassed Israel's aerial defenses and hit near Ben-Gurion International Airport outside Tel Aviv, according to The New York Times.

On Tuesday, two pilots aboard another Super Hornet, again on the Truman, were forced to eject after their fighter jet failed to catch the steel cable on the carrier deck, sending the plane into the Red Sea, The New York Times reported.

By then, Trump had decided to declare the operation successful, according to The New York Times.

Houthi officials and their supporters quickly proclaimed victory as well, promoting a social media hashtag that read "Yemen defeats America," The New York Times noted.

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The Houthis created significant concerns in Israel's economic system. Their control over the Gulf of Aden and the Bab el-Mandeb Strait threatened one of Israel's main shipping routes through the Red Sea and Suez Canal. Houthi attacks on merchant vessels led to the diversion of international shipping to a longer route, circumnavigating Africa via the Cape of Good Hope. In Israel, there were fears of dramatic effects on our global trade that would lead to price increases for many products.

This concern was certainly well-founded. Rising shipping costs during the COVID-19 crisis were a major factor in the global increase in consumer product prices. The blocking of the Suez Canal between 1967 and 1975 also caused significant damage to Israel's international trade and economic growth.

However, a new study by the Bank of Israel, conducted by Haggay Etkes and Nitzan Feldman, shows that the Houthis' impact was relatively limited. From the start, only about 5% of Israeli exports are shipped by sea to Asia and Oceania, and about 20% of civilian imports to Israel. The analysis revealed that total Israeli imports from Asia and Oceania did not decline unusually following the Houthi attacks. Import prices to Israel also did not rise significantly, partly because maritime shipping costs are a small portion of the merchandise price, so their impact on the final price is minimal.

The Houthi attacks in the Red Sea didn't only affect Israeli vessels or those bound for Israel but impacted global maritime transport worldwide. Other Mediterranean countries actually felt the impact of these attacks more strongly. Imports in countries like Greece, Turkey, Italy, France, and Spain declined for six months due to Houthi attacks but managed to recover by the spring of 2024. The diversion of shipping routes initially raised transport costs, but this increase moderated within several months. Ironically, Israel, which was the declared target of Houthi attacks, showed reduced impact compared to other Mediterranean coastal nations.

It's no wonder the Houthis themselves are beginning to worry. The Shiite axis is crumbling across the Middle East, and their harmful influence on a major maritime trade route is weakening as the world finds alternative solutions and demonstrates flexibility in shipping routes. The Houthis remain alone in the broader Iranian campaign, where they weren't the strongest player to begin with. This week, the US and Britain attacked a Houthi facility in Sanaa, and later, Israel also struck several targets in Yemen, while the emerging Trump administration is not expected to treat them favorably.

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Israel's recent strikes against Iran's regional allies have done little to deter Yemen's Houthi forces, which have emerged as an increasingly significant player in the widening Middle East conflict, according to US officials and analysts reports the Wall Street Journal.

While Israeli operations have targeted the leadership of Hamas in Gaza and Hezbollah in Lebanon, including strikes on Iranian missile facilities, the Houthis have continued launching attacks on shipping in the Red Sea. The group has targeted over 80 commercial vessels with drones and missiles since the outbreak of the Gaza war, disrupting global trade routes.

"One of the unfortunate offshoots of the Gaza conflict is...that the Houthis have doubled down on their contacts with other malign actors in the region and beyond," US special envoy for Yemen Timothy Lenderkin said. He described the trend as "very alarming."

The Yemen-based group has avoided the fate of other Iran-backed forces. Israeli strikes killed Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who orchestrated the October 7, 2023 attack on Israel. Meanwhile, the Houthis have leveraged the Gaza conflict to boost their standing.

"The Houthis have morphed from sandal-wearing fighters to rock stars. These are people who you want to be associated with right now," said Michael Knights, co-founder of the Militia Spotlight platform, which studies Iran-backed groups in the Middle East.

The group's rise from local force to regional power is documented in a recent United Nations report, which found evidence of Houthi cooperation with various armed groups. The report cited joint operations centers in Iraq and Lebanon aimed at coordinating actions of Iran-backed groups. Lenderking noted "quite extensive" cooperation between the Houthis and Somalia's al-Shabaab group, saying they are discussing ways to "menace and threaten freedom of navigation in the Red Sea." The UN report also revealed agreements between the Houthis and al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula regarding weapons transfers and potential joint operations against the internationally recognized Yemeni government in Aden.

I gotta say… the Houthi/al-Qassam propaganda videos are absolute bangers pic.twitter.com/BcNDJU6vTV

— drac-hoxha flow (@lemonslimejesus) October 27, 2024

Russia's involvement has added another dimension to the situation. Viktor Bout, the Russian arms dealer exchanged for US basketball star Brittney Griner, is attempting to sell assault rifles to the Houthis. Russia has provided targeting data for Red Sea attacks and is considering supplying anti-ship missiles to the group.

A Russian warship evacuated Iran's missile and drone program commander in Yemen, Abdul Reza Shahlai, from Hodeidah port in April, according to a Western security official. The US has offered $15 million for Shahlai, who is accused of plotting to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington and planning an attack targeting US civilians.

Despite US retaliatory strikes, including an October 16 operation using B-2 Spirit bombers targeting underground weapons stores, the Houthis have maintained their capabilities. While Israel has conducted some strikes against the group, it has largely left confrontation to Western allies.

"The Houthis quickly stepped in to fill the political and military void within the axis of resistance," following Israel's operations against other regional forces, said Mohammed Albasha, a US-based Middle East security analyst.

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Yemen's Houthi rebels have forcibly taken control of the United Nations Human Rights Office headquarters in Sanaa, confiscating documents, furniture, and vehicles, a high-ranking UN official reported Tuesday, according to the Associated Press.

This seizure marks the latest development in the Houthis' intensifying crackdown on personnel associated with the UN, aid organizations, and foreign diplomatic missions. The action comes as the Iranian-backed group continues to target shipping in the Red Sea, citing the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas in Gaza.

"Ansar Allah forces must leave the premises and return all assets and belongings immediately," UN Human Rights Chief Volker Türk demanded, using the Houthis' official designation.

The Houthis in Yemen have looted the headquarters of the UN Human Rights Office in the capital of Sana'a.

These are the people college kids are cheering on.

— Aviva Klompas (@AvivaKlompas) August 13, 2024

Following a June crackdown, the UN Human Rights Office suspended operations in Sanaa and other Houthi-controlled areas of Yemen. However, it continues to function in regions under the internationally recognized government's authority.

The June campaign saw the Houthis detain over 60 individuals employed by the UN and other NGOs, including six Human Rights Office staff members. These detentions followed earlier arrests of two colleagues in November 2021 and August 2023.

Shortly after the arrests, the rebels claimed to have apprehended members of an alleged "American-Israeli spy network." They released what they presented as video confessions from 10 Yemenis, with several stating they had been recruited by the US Embassy in Yemen. The UN Human Rights Office reported that one of its detained staff members appeared in a video, forced to confess to allegations including espionage.

The Houthis have been embroiled in a civil war with Yemen's internationally recognized government, supported by a Saudi-led coalition, since seizing control of Sanaa and much of northern Yemen in 2014. This conflict has resulted in over 150,000 casualties, including both combatants and civilians and has precipitated one of the world's most severe humanitarian crises, with tens of thousands more deaths. Throughout the war, the rebels have incarcerated thousands. Recent months have seen an intensification of their domestic crackdown on dissent, including the recent sentencing of 44 individuals to death.

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Yemen's tumultuous history

Yemen, a nation long plagued by instability and foreign intervention, has been the backdrop for the rise of a powerful rebel group known as the Houthis. To fully comprehend the Houthi movement, we must first delve into the complex geopolitical history of this war-torn country.

For decades, Yemen has been a battleground for competing regional powers, with Saudi Arabia and Iran vying for influence. The Saudis, concerned about Iran's growing sway in the region, have repeatedly interfered in Yemen's domestic affairs, often supporting various factions in Yemen's civil wars and exacerbating the country's internal divisions.

The Houthi tribe's ideology

Ideologically, the Houthis draw inspiration from a mix of Zaydi Shia Islam, Iranian revolutionary thought, and a nationalist, anti-imperialist worldview. This unique blend of beliefs has shaped their political and military strategies, as well as their relationship with other regional actors. Their flag reads, "God is the greatest! Death to America! Death to Israel! Curse upon the Jews! Victory to Islam!"

It is against this backdrop that the Houthi tribe, a group from Northwest Yemen, emerged as a formidable force. Frustrated by the Yemeni government's perceived corruption and Saudi Arabia's interference, the Houthis formed the Ansar Allah movement, or the "Supporters of God," to challenge the status quo.

The Houthi movement, however, has been marred by extremism and human rights abuses. They practice slavery targeting religious minorities, murder LGBTQ+, promote zero rights for women, and child marriages.

Despite these controversies, the Houthis have managed to gain significant support, both regionally and domestically. Their nationalist rhetoric and perceived resistance to Saudi influence have gained them the backing of the Iranian regime and the rest of the Zaydism followers, approximately one-third of the Yemeni population as they have grown weary of the country's ongoing instability.

The Houthis' ties to Yemen's humanitarian crisis

The Houthis' close ties to Iran have been a source of concern for the international community. Iran has provided the Houthis with financial, military, and political support, further complicating the conflict in Yemen and contributing to the country's dire humanitarian crisis.

The wars in Yemen have resulted in widespread suffering, with millions of people facing food insecurity, disease, and displacement. The Houthis have obstructed aid deliveries and targeted civilian infrastructure, exacerbating the humanitarian catastrophe.

The Houthis' involvement in the Gaza War

The Houthis' influence has extended beyond Yemen's borders, with the group's involvement in the 2023 Gaza War drawing international attention. Their support for Palestinian resistance groups, such as Hamas, has further solidified their reputation as a regional player with a strong anti-Israeli and anti-American agenda.

The Houthis have sent rockets to Israel and targeted merchant ships in the Red Sea, disrupting global trade and raising tensions in the region. Many companies have shifted their route and now take longer voyages to avoid these pirates. These attacks and the group's broader military activities have drawn the ire of the international community and led to US and British intervention.

Surprisingly, the Houthis have also garnered support from some unexpected quarters, including certain far-left American political figures, activists, TikTok influencers, and college students who view the group as a symbol of resistance against perceived Western imperialism. This support, however, has been widely criticized for overlooking the Houthis' own human rights abuses and extremist tendencies.

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Qatari network Al Jazeera released footage Wednesday showing the attack on the Greek-owned vessel TUTUR in the Red Sea by Houthi forces. The assault, which occurred last week, led to the sinking of the ship after its crew was rescued by the United States Navy.

According to a Houthi spokesperson, the attack was carried out using drones, ballistic missiles, and unmanned vessels, with one of the unmanned vessels ramming the ship's stern. This caused water to flood the engine room. Video footage from within the ship showed the terrified crew moments before their rescue.

The Houthis via Al-Jazeera published documentation of two unmanned surface vehicles targeting the Greek-owned commercial vessel Tutor. pic.twitter.com/f70KgQ04YL

— Joe Truzman (@JoeTruzman) June 19, 2024

The Iran-backed Houthis recently announced a "new phase" of operations in the Red Sea, demanding an end to the IDF anti-terrorism campaign in the Gaza Strip as a condition for halting their attacks. They claimed the targeted ships were "sailing without permission" to Israeli ports.

Videos from the Filipino sailors of M/V Tutor, a Liberian-flagged, Greek-owned, and operated bulk cargo carrier, captures the June 12 attack by Iranian-backed Houthis. The attack, carried out with an uncrewed surface vessel #USV [suicide boat drone] built on the hull of a… pic.twitter.com/aLLaWnAK93

— Basha باشا (@BashaReport) June 17, 2024

In response, the US Central Command announced the destruction of two Houthi command, control, and communication stations, along with two unmanned vessels in the Red Sea.

Over the past few weeks, the US and Britain have conducted several airstrikes on Houthi-controlled areas near the Yemeni port city of Hodeidah. The strikes targeted radars, vessels, launchers, and other weaponry.

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The USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, one of the oldest aircraft carriers in the US Navy's fleet, continues its operations in the Red Sea, undeterred by the repeated false claims of Yemen's Houthi rebels that they have hit or even sunk the vessel.

According to The Associated Press, the Houthis and online accounts supporting them have repeatedly alleged striking or sinking the carrier as it leads the US response to the rebels' ongoing attacks targeting commercial vessels and warships in the crucial Red Sea waterway.

"I think it's been about two or three times in the past six months we've allegedly been sunk, which we have not been," Captain Christopher "Chowdah" Hill, the carrier's commanding officer, told AP during a recent visit to the ship. "It is almost comical at this point. They're attempting to maybe inspire themselves through misinformation, but it doesn't work on us."

In an effort to counter the Houthi claims, the Navy has allowed journalists to visit the Eisenhower and witness its operations firsthand. During their stay, the journalists explored the nuclear-powered ship's 1,092-foot (332-meter) length and observed its flight deck operations, with no visible signs of damage or distress.

Benvenuto! #MightyIKE sails with the @ItalianNavy ITS Virginio Fasan (F 591) during a transit in the Atlantic Ocean while participating in composite unit training exercise (COMPTUEX). #WeLikeIKE #GreaterEachDay pic.twitter.com/aSKzo36o9X

— USS Dwight D. Eisenhower (IKE) (@TheCVN69) July 9, 2023

"Other than rust on its side from the hot, humid Red Sea air and water apparently leaking from a pipe in a dining room, the ship appeared no worse for wear," AP reported. "Its flight deck bore no blast damage or gaping holes, just the stink of jet fuel, pooled puddles of oily water, and the scream of engines before its F/A-18 fighter jets took flight."

In addition to allowing media access, Hill has been actively engaging in an information warfare campaign of his own through social media. "The whole intent of the social media outreach was to connect with families, to bring them closer to the ship. So if I can post pictures of sons and daughters, husbands and wives out here, or even fathers and mothers, get it out there, it just kind of brings the family closer to us. And again, that's our support network. But it also took on another role because everyone else was watching to see what we're doing."

"We're going to celebrate 'Taco Tuesdays' because it's my absolute favorite day of the week. That will never end," the captain said. "If you call that an information warfare campaign, you can. It's just who I am, you know, at the end of the day." Hill's social media posts also often feature lighthearted content, such as images of the ship's support animal, a Labrador-golden retriever mix named Captain Demo.

Woof woof! Happy Father's Day to all the amazing dads out there from your favorite furry friend, Capt. Demo! Today, I want to give a special shoutout to all the #MightyIKE dads who work hard to keep everyone smiling. You make every day paws-itively awesome. pic.twitter.com/RU63S0tLtR

— USS Dwight D. Eisenhower (IKE) (@TheCVN69) June 16, 2024

 Despite the Houthis' efforts to undermine morale, Lt. Joseph Hirl from Raleigh, North Carolina, expressed the seriousness with which the crew takes the combat situation, wearing a patch reading: "Go Navy, Beat Houthis."

The prolonged deployment, which has already been extended twice, and concerns over munitions availability remain challenges for the Eisenhower and its crew. However, Captain David Wroe, the commodore overseeing the guided missile destroyers escorting the carrier, acknowledged the need to use appropriate weapons against the Houthis' asymmetrical warfare tactics.

As the Eisenhower continues its patrol alongside the USS Philippine Sea, a cruiser, and two destroyers, Hill remains confident in his crew's readiness and his leadership approach. "I came to a realization at some point in my career that, one of the things that all humans require is to be loved and valued. So I shouldn't be afraid, as a leader, to try to love and value everybody," he said.

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