It would be hard to say that the timing is perfect for Prime Minister Naftali Bennett to give an interview. The country is in the midst of a fifth, tough wave of COVID, even confirmed carriers don't know what strain they have; the new quarantine guidelines for schools is causing controversy and confusion between the staffs of the education and health ministries; and a plan to compensate businesses is also being met with confusion and bitterness. But the Prime Minister's Office has decided that perhaps because of all this, it's time to set the record straight.

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"I'm being interviewed at the peak of the pandemic, not when it's behind us, to tell the public that everything is under control. When we see the end, we need to protect the elderly and the children," Bennett tells Israel Hayom.

"Israel's management of the Delta and Omicron wave is almost the best in the world, based on a sane Israeli model that on one hand doesn't deny COVID – we already know it isn't the flu and causes a lot of damage. On the other hand, I'm not rushing to pull the trigger on the lockdowns that were a key tool here last year. The model is to keep the economy running amid Omicron. We are almost first in the world in the extent of testing, and it works. We were the first in the world to bring in the Pfizer drug," he says.

Q: We're also first in the world in new cases.

"And the first with the second booster, which is proving itself and saving lives. We have the strongest plan in the world to protect the elderly. That is the Israeli way – initiative, action, not sending everyone home, but keeping the economy operating."

Q: But there is a sense of denial. You once spoke of 'pincers' and a smart operation, and it looks like the government has thrown up its hands. There was a lot of time to prepare for this wave, like vaccinating kids in school.

"We prepared ahead of time and did a lot. My decision to close down air travel bought us three to four weeks in which we vaccinated 600,000 elderly [with a second booster], which prevented extensive loss of life. In that period, we acquired drugs and we built the antigen [testing] system, which didn't exist when I took office. For a year and a half, you couldn't buy antigen testing kits in stores. I opened the market and we brought in suppliers. Now the price for a test in stores is eight shekels ($2.50)."

Q: Still, these are costs the people have to shoulder. There are families that have needed dozens of tests in the past few weeks.

"We have just handed out three testing kits to each public school student, and we'll distribute 20 more under the new plan."

Q: But I asked you about early vaccination for kids. Most new cases aren't from the elderly, but from schools.

"I, as the government, can buy the vaccines and make them accessible. Ultimately, it's the responsibility of each person to get vaccinated. We aren't forcing the vaccines on people and each parent is making their own decision on the matter. At the end of the day, the parents are responsible for their children. To set a personal example, I took my son David to get vaccinated in the first couple of days. There is a need for the public to cooperate. The good news is that the public is demonstrating maturity and understanding that it is in partnership with the government."

'We won't fight the previous war'

Q: Are you at peace with the education minister's decision not to provide vaccinations at schools, even if the Education Ministry could have saved mass transmission?

"If I look to either side, at the countries that shut down schools or the countries where there is no problem, I think that [the situation] is being managed – and I take personal responsibility – according to a rational, very proactive, Israeli model. The guiding principle is good, and allows the country to keep running. We haven't declared a day of lockdown. We began the school year as scheduled, and I'm talking about a once-in-a-century pandemic. Compared to the rest of the world, we're OK. We are discussed as a model. I was the first world leader who informed the public about the Omicron variant and shut down air travel. The previous concept was to tell the public 'don't leave your homes, we'll give you money.' Now the concept is a lot of activity. In the past, I've spoken about a hammer vs. pincers. The hammer is a lockdown, and I don't think we need to go there. The pincer is testing.

"We've made a huge effort, but ultimately, when it comes to schools where a mobile vaccination station is set up and only 13 out of 400 [students] bring a permission slip for the vaccine, it's not necessarily a success. Nothing can replace parental responsibility. I'm calling on anyone who still hasn't gotten vaccinated to get vaccinated. We're also the first to know that the second booster works."

Q: It took a long time to decide on the new quarantine guidelines. It's strange, considering that there's a de facto lockdown. For a long time, parents aren't going to work and children have been at home.

"I'm not denying that there's a tsunami here. I said at the beginning that we'd be seeing 20,000 to 50,000 new cases a day. We were well prepared as a government. We are compensating parents for the loss [of work days]. We raised the payment for a lost work day from 430 shekels [$134] to 570 shekels [$178]. People who look at the situation with a rational, open mind say, 'Wow, the government is doing the right thing – neither hysteria nor irresponsibility.' For the kids, this is the right time to transition to the mass testing approach. Every kid in Israel will start getting tested twice a week. It's an exceptional tool to fight a pandemic."

Q: Is this how we beat a pandemic?

"A pandemic is defeated through a lot of initiative, a lot of flexibility. When you don't fight the previous war. You manage a pandemic looking ahead, not back."

Q: One of the disadvantages in being a public figure is that people always remind you of things you said in the past. More so, things you wrote. Do you regret your book [How to Defeat a Pandemic]?

"Not at all!" Bennett turns to the large bookshelf behind him glancing at the biographies and other books in a variety of languages and on a number of subjects, and asks his advisors, "Do we have a copy here?'

The Twitter nation is looking for reasons to joke about that book, which among other things branded Bennett as the man to handle COVID. Bennett is proud of what he wrote, saying, "Actually, everything I preached I'm practicing. I said, opt for testing rather than lockdowns. I said, 100,000 tests [a day], and people told me it was a dream. But we're actually at 400,000! I said, protect the elderly – and we're executing a plan to do so. When I took office everything was falling apart. I said we needed a tool for oversight, that we needed technology, and I set up dozens of sewage testing sites. I'm implementing those exact views," he says.

"Anyone who wants hysteria won't get it from us. I want a government without drama, one that gets up in the morning and gets down to work. In this government we do that, we've been doing that for seven months."

Seven months after it was formed, the discourse is still focused on Bennett's predecessor. In a series of media interviews, Bennett inserted a video about the new quarantine regulations that sniped at Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu, who is still a key motif in nearly every issue.

Q: Are you still right-wing?

"I'm right-wing, and my positions haven't changed. I still oppose a Palestinian state. A lot of people on the Right tell me quietly that this is a good government. We agree on 70% of the issues. We agree we need better education, and need to fight crime, and build more homes. I feel like this government is saving us.

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"At the same time, I'm saying to people on the Right: 'Look, the prime minister is a man of the Right.' I stood up to the president of the US who asked me about opening a consulate for Palestinians in Jerusalem, and looked him straight in the eye and said, 'Mr. President, you're a true friend of Israel, but I can't answer because Israel has only one capital, Jerusalem, and it is the capital of only one country, Israel.' On the deepest subjects, things are very clear to me. The biggest is that this is a mixed government, but ultimately, that is the policy. In a historic meeting, we brought the entire coalition – Right and Left – to the Golan Heights and decided to double settlement there. It was an exciting move."

Q: You know, even people on the Left are in favor of keeping the Golan Heights.

"So why have we been stuck with only 25,000 Jews living there for decades?"

Q: Maybe because there aren't any jobs?

"Fine. We're working on it, because not too long from now, if we don't, the world will say that Syria has stabilized, let's give up the Golan Heights for the sake of peace."

Q: But when I try to count the achievements of the Right vs. the Left, I see that highway infrastructure development in Judea and Samaria has stopped; that a law has been passed to provide electricity to Bedouin; that Ayelet Shaked's citizenship law failed to pass; that tree-planted in the Negev has stopped; that settlement outposts are being demolished and there are hilltops in Judea and Samaria no one has touched for years.

"No, the opposite. For years, the government handed suitcases full of cash over to Hamas. When I took office, I stopped those transfers. The previous government canceled the Jerusalem Day flag march, and I reinstated it. I just don't make a fuss over every single thing. I told you about the consulate. We've also built in Judea and Samaria – my predecessor didn't build there under the Biden administration. Am I doing everything I want to do? No. When it comes to the tree plantings and the Bedouin, that same night people told me there had been threats and violence. There were a few who said not to plant the trees, and I said they should be planted the next day. There are laws, and they can bring in as many police as they need to – trees will be planted, and after that, I'm willing to talk with everyone.

"The Arab crime that exploded on us during Operation Guardian of the Walls is a matter that has been neglected for years. I set up a team of ministers under my leadership and we're making life miserable for criminal leaders in the Arab sector. Some have fled the country and we're using creative means to pursue them. I'm satisfied, but this is a unity government. It's true. This isn't a government of one side."

Q: You say there are no more suitcases of money for Hamas, but there was already money being deducted from Palestinian Authority [tax revenue], and Defense Minister Benny Gantz gave the PA a loan that will clearly never be paid back. Regional Cooperation Minister Esawi Frej traveled to countries that donate to the PA and asked them to continue.

"This is a complicated government, because the guys on the Right were the ones who insisted on bringing us to a fifth election. They attached themselves to a person rather than to positions. It was a choice between putting the country into an endless spin, a rift, or dropping the ball on a number of issues. This led to a lag in military issues that I'm now closing. I made a decision. I've always invited our friends from the Bibi bloc to join us, but they need to decide which side their bread is buttered on. They made a wrong choice, days before the fifth election. I acted responsibly and I'm proud of it."

'There is a strategy to execute'  

Q: When you look at the unity government and the status quo, it appears as if the Left is violating it and the Right respects it."

"The left-wing side says the same thing. So the truth is probably somewhere in the middle. For the first time, there are no talks with the Palestinians. Instead, we are handling the Golan Heights and Hamas. That didn't exist with Bibi. After seven months of an aggressive approach, I said that an explosives-laden balloon would be met with the same response as a rocket. We're hitting Hamas targets after ignoring them for years, starting with the first arson balloon. A new national camp has arisen that doesn't depend on one person, but is founded on a path. As prime minister, I'm leading that camp. It's a camp that isn't based on rejecting others, but on activity. I'm an activist. I'm saying to our religious Zionist friends, on the Right, there is a prime minister who is right-wing, who wears a kippa. I'm a person of faith and that's important, because I act according to my values."

Q: How?

"In dealing with international leaders, I stand up for our interests. When it comes to Jerusalem, when it comes to the Land of Israel, when it comes to Iran."

Q: What is happening with Iran?

"We inherited a horrible legacy, even before the government was founded. Iran has enriched [uranium] to 60% in facilities it didn't used to have, and gone further than it ever has. When I entered office, I saw the size of the hole we'd been left. We are investing billions in building up our military prowess. That bolsters my right-wing views in the sense that we only have ourselves to depend on. I appreciate our friendship with America, but we need to defend ourselves, and not only with words."

Q: What does that mean, practically speaking?

"I look at Iran as an ongoing battle. For decades, Iran has been an octopus whose tentacles are gripping Israel and Lebanon, the Gaza Strip, and Syria, and Israel has fallen into the trap and is bleeding, while Iran itself – the root of the evil – is safe and distant. We have a cold war by one side only – they hit us, and we don't hit them back. We're changing that equation. We're working every angle to weaken Iran … We'll keep taking action and we won't give up. It's no coincidence we stepped up the number of airstrikes in Syria, as well as the kind of strikes and quality of the targets. This is making things difficult for Iran."

Q: And when a new Iran nuclear deal is signed?

"The process toward a new deal in Vienna is very wrong. With or without a deal, we have a strategy to execute. Even if a new deal is signed, Israel won't be obligated to it. We aren't part of it, and Israel will retain full freedom of action in any situation. I'm implementing that daily and not only in words, but also in actions."

Q: Gantz has met with PA leader Mahmoud Abbas, Lapid with his predicted successor, and former IDF Chief Gadi Eizenkot is talking about entering politics and a vision for two states. Is it possible that new Oslo Accords are being formed right under your nose, to be implemented as soon as the rotation for prime minister takes place?

"As long as I'm prime minister, there is no Oslo process, and if there will be one, there won't be a government. I oppose a Palestinian state and am also not allowing talks on the line of a Palestinian state."

Q: The frequent meetings with Abbas and his successor aren't feelers for a new Oslo deal?

"I won't meet with anyone who persecutes IDF soldiers in the [International Criminal Court] in The Hague and sends money to murderers. My partners – Gantz and Lapid – hold different views. They represent the Left's positions, and that's legitimate as long as when it comes to action, we stay within the common ground we established."

Q: These meetings aren't actions?

"No. My predecessor also met with Abbas a number of times, and with Palestinian flags waving in the background. It's not the end of the world. I'm not judging my partners. I'm allowing it. They don't have the authority to move on diplomatic issues. They are talking about economics, and I'm in favor of strengthening trade with the Palestinians."

'Not looking for a quick win'

Q: A year ago one could hear the education minister talking about vaccines, the health minister talking about making decisions based on data, and the finance minister talking about the Haredim or the settlements and know what Naftali Bennett thought. Now the public has the sense that it is certain about the prime minister's ideology.

"My values and views haven't changed. I'm a Jewish Israeli, a right-wing patriot, and my parents raised me on these values. That hasn't changed. What has become significant is that as prime minister I see supreme importance in unity and connection. We need to calm down. We lost the first and second temples, we won't get another chance and we don't need to highlight differences and increase hatred."

Q: Do you think the people understand that?

"That's my mission. I'm not looking for a quick win. I come with a different compass – I don't owe anything to any lobbyist, only to God and the people of Israel, and I believe that ultimately, the public wants these considerations and this path. Ideologically, the distance between a Yamina member and a Likud member isn't large. There is no dispute about the Land of Israel. The dispute is about the path we take. Do we curse and scream at each other? An hour after a former Supreme Court chief justice dies, do we take the approach of [MK Bezalel] Smotrich and say nasty things? They took the name 'Religious Zionist,' but they don't have the rights to that path. I was raised in religious Zionism, and it includes people who want to connect both sides."

Q: Your family is paying a heavy price. Is it worth it?

"The price is heavy. Especially for the kids, who didn't choose this and don't like it at all. I always try to bring them in, explain what Dad is doing. Forming this government was the hardest thing I've done in my life, harder than any business or political move. I knew that a huge machine generating poison and hatred would be aimed at me and my children. Before the fifth election, I called my kids and Gilat, my wife, who are not involved, and told them I was going to do something. When I realized Bibi couldn't form another government and that we'd soon be having another election, I knew the country couldn't take it. Things were paralyzed and there wasn't even a budget for the IDF. I told my family – 'They'll say Dad is a traitor and call us names.'"

Q: Is your family counting down until Lapid takes over as prime minister?

"The kids are. But we're OK. Shabbat is the calm time, that's the stability and the normalcy, and in that sense, home is a real haven. My family is suffering, but I'm at peace with the move. I'm a man of faith and I have great confidence that I made the right move: we are an effective government, and that's the biggest privilege I could dream of – carrying the baton of leadership for the Jewish state. It's not something to take for granted.

"This time of the year 80 years ago, the Wannsee Conference took place, where the German systematically planed the genocide of the Jewish people. The lesson I take from that is that we need to fight for the country tooth and nail. So even if I have to pay a heavy price, it's a price I pay with understanding."

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Incitement against Yamina representatives reached new heights this week, with days to go before the Bennett-Lapid government is due to be sworn in.

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Channel 12 News reported that in an eerie reminder of the events that led up to the assassination of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in 1995, posters were hung this week calling for a "Pulsa diNura against the evil Bennett," and an employee of the Petah Tikva Municipality said he intended to conduct a Pulsa diNura ceremony against Yamina MK Nir Orbach.

Pulsa diNura is a Kabbalist ceremony in which participants call for angels to bring death upon the subject of the curse. The ceremony was conducted outside Rabin's home in October 1995, approximately a month before he was fatally shot by Yigal Amir.

According to the Channel 12 News report, a flyer was disseminated Thursday on social media urging for an "immediate" Pulsa diNura ceremony against Bennett, who the anonymous authors said "wants to attack the world of the Torah."

The Channel 12 News report also said that on Wednesday, a protester against Orbach's intention of joining the new government announced he was planning a ceremony targeting the MK. The protester, who works for the city of Petah Tikva, has reportedly planned the ceremony for Saturday evening after Shabbat, but before the new government is due to be sworn in.

In 2005, opponents of the plan to disengage from the Gaza Strip held Pulsa diNura ceremonies against then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, and in 2006, the Edah Haredit sect said it was thinking about holding a Pulsa diNura ceremony for the organizers of the Jerusalem Gay Pride parade.

Earlier this month, the Times of Israel reported that a Health Ministry official had been the subject of a Pulsa diNura ceremony for participating in a panel advising on COVID vaccinations for children.

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If no bloc wins 61 seats this time, we'll find ourselves in the same situation we were in the last two times – two blocs of similar size, and a smaller party that insists on a national unity government but cannot force one on the larger parties.

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A few months ago, President Reuven Rivlin suggested a national unity government in which Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu would serve first in a rotation for prime minister but recuse himself if he were indicted and faced trial. For a moment it seemed as if the idea would be accepted and a unity government was just around the corner, but in the end Blue and White scuppered the solution for reasons that included doubt as to whether Netanyahu would step aside when his turn in the rotation was up.

Rejecting Rivlin's proposal was a serious gamble. If in the end there isn't another opportunity to put the center-right back into the political center stage, that missed opportunity will be put down to Benny Gantz, even if he was willing to go with the idea but failed to convince the rest of the Blue and White "cockpit."

Tonight, if it turns out that the haredi-Right bloc has bucked predictions and won 61 seats, Gantz won't be able to face those who wanted him to win, because of the lost opportunity he had to establish a rotation for the prime ministership. But if Netanyahu doesn't have a majority of MKs on his side, Gantz must not repeat his mistake and contribute to a fourth election, which would make Israel a laughingstock and freeze vital processes in many fields.

Netanyahu might tell himself that as far as he's concerned, an everlasting "transition" government, in which he could go into trial as a sitting prime minister, would be better, but it would certainly be no blessing to the liberal wing. It's hard to believe that if Blue and White and the Likud signed a deal for the prime minister to recuse himself (with the period of recusal renewable every 100 days) for as long as the trial continues, with Gantz as acting prime minister and then becoming prime minister when his "turn" in the rotation comes up, Netanyahu would publicly violate it.

If, despite all the predictions, the center-left wins 61 seats without Yisrael Beytenu, it would be best for Gantz to break his vow, establish a minority government, and talk to the Joint Arab List about a "security net."

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Speaking at the Maariv Business conference in Herzliya on Wednesday, Lieberman discussed the political impasse that has led to Israel's third general election in under a year and possible ways of solving it.

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"We want a liberal, secular coalition and I think it's extremely likely. Everyone is sick of Netanyahu. All the Likud faction members are sick of him. If there were a secret vote, he would only get six seats. We will only join a national unity government," Lieberman said.

According to the Yisrael Beytenu leader, Netanyahu and Blue and White leader Benny Gantz would win a combined 65 seats.

"I told them both they should form a unity government, but they preferred to argue about who would serve first and who would serve second [in a rotation for prime minister], which is how we got dragged into another election. Next time, I'm making no commitments. I'm always transparent and try to say from the get-go what my commitments are.

"There is no more unity government. It's clear that with the two of them, we can't build anything. So we are preparing ourselves, and are ready for the day after. We will have 61 seats without Netanyahu and [haredi MKs] Deri and Litzman."

Lieberman said he was being asked why he ruled out joining a coalition with the Joint Arab List.

"There is one reason – it is a list comprised of supporters of terrorism. Let's discuss the facts and then everyone can draw their own conclusions. The facts are clear – not a single member of the Joint Arab List attended Shimon Peres' funeral, but that same week they visited the grave of [late PLO leader Yasser] Arafat in Ramallah," he said.

Lieberman continued: "The Joint Arab List condemned the US for the targeted attack on arch-murderer Maj. Gen. Qassem Soleimani, who murdered more people than any person in the 21^st century. Joint Arab List leader Ayman Odeh personally condemned the Arab League for putting Hezbollah on a list of terrorist organizations."

When asked if he wanted to resume his former position as defense minister in the next government, Lieberman answered, "I want to establish public transportation on Shabbat and funding for an independent school system. I want clear basic policies. As far as being prime minister … it was an option, never an obsession, for me. With God's help, let's get rid of Deri, Litzman, and Gafni, and build a government without Netanyahu. Everything else will come later."

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"Recently, I have seen a jump in the slander, twists, and nasty takes against me personally and against my family and my close associates, coming out of the Balfour St. factory," Lieberman wrote, referring to the Prime Minister's Residence in Jerusalem.

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"Even though, since the start of the election campaign for the 22^nd Knesset, I made it clear that Yisrael Beytenu would support a unity government only and despite the fact that I personally behaved in a responsible manner, time and again associates of the prime minister repeat different versions of an 'explanation' of why I didn't join the haredi-messianic government under Netanyahu's leadership.

"For anyone who missed it, this is their 'explanation': that Lieberman has been extorted by the police and the prosecution and is afraid of being investigated and has turned into a puppet of the legal system," Lieberman wrote.

"The prime minister and his associates should know – I have been through plenty of investigations and I was never afraid. I never hid behind immunity, and I paid for all my legal representation out of my own pocket and never asked friends to take out bank loans [to cover legal fees]. If I were afraid of something or wanted to placate someone, I wouldn't have said – clearly and from the start – that as far as I'm concerned, the prime minister can continue to serve until there is a clear ruling, indictments notwithstanding. That is the law in Israel, which was passed in 2001, and which I voted against. But despite everything, I believe that we have to honor laws even when we don't like them.

"If I wanted to attack or harm Mr. Prime Minister where he is most vulnerable, I would remind him of what he said in 2008 about another prime minister, Ehud Olmert – that he was up to his neck in investigations, and had no public or moral mandate to make such fateful decisions for Israel," Lieberman continued in his post.

The Yisrael Beytenu leader went on to say that there was concern, which he called "not baseless," that Netanyahu would "make decisions based on personal interests of political survival rather than the interests of the nation."

Lieberman also said he would support a bill authored by the Blue and White party that would bar any MK under indictment from being charged with assembling a government coalition, and support the establishment of an interim Knesset committee that would vote to take immunity off the table for Netanyahu.

"Mr. Prime Minister, it seems that due to your age, your memory is faulty, and you've forgotten that I supported the president's compromise framework that would give you, not [Blue and White leader] Benny Gantz the right to serve first as prime minister [in a unity government]. If I behaved like you do, I would not hesitate to join Blue and White in a unity government. The difference between us is that I have principles and you just have interests," Lieberman wrote.

Lieberman went on to object to various accusations that he was an operative being handled by foreign authorities or an "agent of chaos."

"Mr. Prime Minister, maybe you are an agent of anonymous, wealthy forces from various places around the world? Maybe you are an agent of [billionaire] James Packer? Maybe you are an agent of Spencer Partridge? Maybe you serve the financial interests of Nathan Milikowsky? The difference between us is that for me, the end never justified the means and I never traded principles for seats at the table. So look in the mirror," Lieberman wrote.

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In a tweet on Monday, Netanyahu accused Blue and White leaders Benny Gantz and Yair Lapid of refusing to establish a unity government.

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"Gantz and Lapid, enough with the transparent tricks designed to distract attention from your refusal to establish a broad national unity government that would establish a defense pact with the US and annex major parts of Judea and Samaria," Netanyahu wrote.

"Because Lapid and Gantz are continuing to refuse and spending their time on hollow spin, there is only one way of preventing another election: I am calling on Avigdor Lieberman to undertake negotiations in 'high gear' in the 48 hours we have left to establish a strong unity government for Israel," Netanyahu's tweet continued.

Blue and White said in response to Netanyahu's tweet that "the only thing that is transparent is Netanyahu's desire to lead Israel into a third election so he can secure immunity. Netanyahu, free Israel."

Netanyahu sent out his Twitter message after Lapid's announcement at a Blue and White faction meeting earlier Monday that in the event of a third election, Gantz would run as the sole leader of the Blue and White list, without a rotation.

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At a faction meeting broadcast on the Knesset Channel, Lapid informed the press that if in fact, the country holds a third round of elections, Blue and White leader Benny Gantz would serve as the party's only leader, making him the default option for prime minister if Blue and White were to score a clear win at the polls.

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"We still hope to avoid an election. If there is one, we have decided not to have a rotating [party] leadership. We will all stand behind Benny Gantz, our candidate for prime minister," Lapid said.

"It was a difficult decision … on Friday evening I sat down with my children and told them that I had promised to do what was best for the country, and this is best for the country," Lapid continued.

"I'm not here for a seat. I had a much more comfortable seat in my previous career," Lapid told reporters, referring to his tenure as a television host before he entered politics.

Earlier in the meeting, Gantz issued an appeal to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, telling the latter that if he avoided seeking immunity from prosecution in the three cases in which he was indicted last month, "we could talk."

"Today I'm repeating what I told you and your representatives on the first day of [coalition] negotiations – that if you forgo immunity, we will join you in starting talks. You already dragged us into elections twice because of immunity," Gantz said, urging Netanyahu to live up to his promise not to seek immunity.

"We have a historic role. We need to free the nation. This is our war of independence – to free the country from corruption. To free it from extremism. To free it from Netanyahu," Lapid said.

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Party leaders had hoped to hold the next election on Feb. 25, 2020, but that date was legally unfeasible because Israeli election law states that an election must be held 90 days after the Knesset dissolves itself.

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The next available date was March 3, 2020, but that was ruled out because in 2020 it falls on the Hebrew date of the 7^th of Adar, when the nation marks the memory of fallen soldiers whose place of burial is unknown. Eli Ben-Shem, the head of the Yad Labanim organization, which works to commemorate fallen soldiers and support their families, asked that elections not be held on that date. Culture and Sport Minister Miri Regev and Science and Technology Minister Ofir Akunis supported Ben-Shem's request.

Elections could not have been held on the week of March 10, 2020, because of the conflict with Purim.

March 17, 2020, was considered and ruled out at the demand of the haredi parties because it is a day devoted to the memory of Rabbi Elimelech of Lizhensk, and many hassidic Jews travel to Poland to visit his grave.

A date as late as March 24, 2020, could have been set, but some political officials wanted a short campaign.

On Sunday, Tourism Minister Yariv Levin, head of the Likud team charged with negotiating a coalition agreement, met with chairman of the Knesset Arrangements Committee Avi Nissenkorn, to settle the final details involved in announcing a third Knesset election.

Nissenkorn, who also serves as faction leader for Blue and White, said that the party "would make every effort, up until the last minute, to prevent another, needless election for Israel.

"As we promised the public, if [Prime Minister] Netanyahu blocks the establishment of a unity government and we are forced to dissolve the Knesset, we will hold the shortest election possible. I am happy that the Likud and the rest of the parties agreed to support that," Nissenkorn said.

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According to one official, the two sides are farther apart than ever, particularly since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's spokespeople were questioned by police last week.

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The same official said that Blue and White was waiting for Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit to decide whether or not to indict Netanyahu. Mendelblit is expected to make his decision in early December. For Blue and White, even if Mendelblit were to drop the count of bribery, any indictment would be the final nail in the coffin of any possibility of forming a government with Netanyahu, he explained.

On the other hand, the official said, Netanyahu wants to remain prime minister, even if he is indicted. Therefore, he will not step down, and will apparently retain the support of the Likud and the smaller right-wing parties when and if he is under indictment.

The official said that as of Monday night, it was clear that neither the Likud nor the right-wing bloc would oust Netanyahu and would prefer to hold a third election, even at their detriment.

He also said that Blue and White leader Benny Gantz's position was shaky and even if he wanted to adopt the compromise put forth by President Reuven Rivlin, he would not be able to negotiate it.

"A unity government is dead, and Israel is on its way to a third election," the official said.

Moreover, since the option of a minority government that would depend on support from the Arab parties has dried up because of opposition from Yisrael Beytenu leader Avigdor Lieberman and Blue and White MKs Yoaz Hendel and Zvi Hauser, the only possibility that remains would be for Lieberman to rejoin the right-wing bloc. According to the official, such a move by Lieberman would be the only development that could prevent a third election.

The clock is ticking. Gantz has two weeks left to form a government. When the two weeks are up, either 61 MKs can recommend a candidate to serve as prime minister, a possibility that appears highly unlikely and would only occur if one of the blocs were to split, or an election will be called.

On Monday evening, Netanyahu and Gantz met at a memorial for the late Rabbi Ovadia Yosef and spoke in favor of unity. But shortly thereafter Netanyahu informed right-wing party leaders that Blue and White had withdrawn from negotiations with the Likud.

"We agreed to a lot of concessions. I asked Gantz for his response and haven't heard and answer to any question. Our negotiating team has been trying to meet with the Blue and White team for two days, but Blue and White puts them off every day. No meeting has been set," Netanyahu told them.

Blue and White issued a response to Netanyahu's remarks, saying that "Netanyahu's conduct proves that he doesn't want unity, he wants a government [that will give him] immunity."

Senior Blue and White officials are claiming that negotiations are at an impasse. In recent days, they are saying, their party has changed course from trying to form a unity government with the Likud to trying to establish a minority government with the left-wing bloc and the Arab parties.

"As far as we're concerned, there was a real attempt at a unity government, but it didn't work," a top Blue and White official told Israel Hayom.

"Everyone is sick of Netanyahu and we don't trust him. That leaves us with one option – to get along without the Likud, and hope that Lieberman won't steer us into an election and will be the savior," the official said.

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After nearly a month of efforts, Netanyahu last week said he had failed to cobble together a coalition.

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President Reuven Rivlin has now given the task to Gantz, who met with Netanyahu in Tel Aviv to discuss a possible power-sharing agreement. Blue and White issued a statement that the two discussed possible options and agreed to a second meeting.

The closed meeting between Gantz and Netanyahu was to address the "existing political possibilities," a joint statement by the Blue and White and Likud parties read as the meeting ended, slightly before 7 p.m. local time.

The two have agreed to meet again and to have the parties' negotiating teams continue their discussions.

Ahead of the talks, Netanyahu expressed support for a "broad national unity government." Speaking to his cabinet, Netanyahu said such a coalition is essential for Israel to face what he said were mounting security challenges around the region.

"We must make tough decisions that require a government with broad shoulders," he said. "This is not a political question, but a national and security question of the highest order. I hope that we can advance this goal in the coming days."

With Blue and White controlling 33 seats in parliament and Likud holding 32, the two parties together have enough support to form a government together. While both men support the idea of a unity deal, they have disagreed over who should lead it.

Netanyahu wants his traditional ultra-Orthodox and right-wing allies to sit with Likud and Blue and White. Gantz has been cool to sitting with them, and also refuses to serve under a Netanyahu-led government while the long-serving leader faces possible indictment for corruption charges. Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit is to decide on whether to charge Netanyahu in the coming weeks.

Ahead of their meeting, negotiators from the two parties met for preparatory talks that were "held in good spirits," according to a Blue and White statement.

It is the first time in more than a decade that a candidate other than Netanyahu has been given the opportunity to form a government.

But without Likud, Gantz's options are limited. He can try to break up Netanyahu's right-wing bloc and win over smaller hard-line parties. So far, there is no sign of that happening.

His remaining potential partners include a diverse group of parties that have little in common, including the secular-nationalist Yisrael Beytenu party, dovish Jewish parties and a grouping of Arab parties, which have never sat in a government before.

The country has faced political paralysis since Yisrael Beytenu Chairman Avigdor Lieberman refused to sit in a government with Netanyahu's ultra-Orthodox partners following April's election. That decision robbed Netanyahu of a parliamentary majority, leading to last month's inconclusive election.

Lieberman has refused to endorse either candidate for prime minister and demands they reach a unity deal. If the sides fail, Israel could face a third election early next year.

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