Still, it's important to stress that these declarations carry no real short-term consequences. The UN General Assembly has no authority to create a state, and its decisions are non-binding. Only the Security Council can do that, and a scenario in which it does so without a US veto is simply unrealistic. What we are seeing, then, is not a "diplomatic tsunami," but rather a case of short-sighted European politicians scoring domestic points at the cost of encouraging Hamas and prolonging the war.

Yet while there may be no immediate cause for alarm, the long-term threat is far more serious. These recognitions are part of a broader global effort to entrench a dangerous narrative: that Israel is a country that occupies, violates human rights, and kills children.

Our enemies understand they cannot defeat the IDF on the battlefield, so they are attempting to tie its hands through a war of perception. Delegitimization campaigns could eventually lead to arms embargoes, economic sanctions, and international isolation. In other words, even dozens of F-35 fighter jets will be of no use if the world forbids us from using them.

International history shows that narratives can be as powerful as tanks. The apartheid regime in South Africa did not collapse solely due to internal pressures, but largely as a result of a global campaign that cast the state as illegitimate and led to crippling sanctions. In the 1990s, Serbia likewise found itself internationally isolated when the narrative of war crimes reshaped the diplomatic and military landscape. Those who underestimate the power of perception may find themselves defeated before a battle even begins.

This is both the warning and the opportunity. Israel cannot afford to keep fighting the public opinion war through ad hoc "crisis management." We respond to extreme incidents instead of waging a proactive, strategic and visionary campaign.

There is no single entity leading Israel's narrative battle, no "public diplomacy chief of staff" with a budget, tools, and authority. The Foreign Ministry still operates under an outdated model of classic diplomacy, while the real battles are being waged on TikTok, Twitter and YouTube, platforms where the Israeli voice is nearly absent.

And this is precisely where Israel must immediately go on the offensive. It's not enough to show our "better side"; we must constantly expose the crimes of our enemies. We must present the world with the brutality of Hamas and Hezbollah, the Iranian funding of terrorism, and the cynical use of children and civilians as human shields by our enemies.

Even when dealing with hostile media outlets, whether antisemitic publications like The New York Times or broadcasters like Al Jazeera, Israel must go on the offensive, undermine their credibility, and denounce anyone attempting to whitewash this brutality. A broad and aggressive perception campaign will only become possible if we recognize this as a full-scale battlefield and equip a future "public diplomacy chief of staff" with a security-level budget and toolkit.

Failing to do so means losing the hearts and minds of the young generation that will be leading the world 20 years from now. But if we act wisely, we can transform our technological prowess, sharp minds and abundant resources into perception dominance, not only to defend Israel from slanderous attacks but to expose the truth and unmask the deadly terror confronting us.

The battle for perception is not a secondary engagement in scope. It determines whether Israel will retain the legitimacy to defend itself in future wars. It's time to recognize that public diplomacy and perception are integral parts of our national security.

Anyone who thinks wars are won solely with tanks and aircraft is mistaken. In the 21st century, battles are also won on screens. And we must win there, too.

Gilad Erdan has served as Israel's ambassador to the US and the UN, as a minister, and as a Knesset member. He currently heads the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy. 

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Trump has already proven he is willing to shatter past norms and embrace innovative solutions. This time, Netanyahu must also bring fresh "out-of-the-box" ideas to the table.

Israel must look reality in the eye: Even after the recent ceasefire agreement, Hamas still has approximately 20,000 fighters and dozens of miles of tunnels in Gaza. The terrorist organization is already working to rebuild its capabilities and train a new generation of terrorists. Therefore, Netanyahu must make it clear to Trump that rebuilding Gaza equates to rebuilding Hamas. Any reconstruction of the Strip must be limited to the bare minimum.

The danger is immediate. Make no mistake - every mechanism established to monitor materials entering Gaza has failed in the past and will fail again in preventing Hamas from using them to restore its military capabilities.

Israel and the US must send a clear message to the Arab world: As long as Hamas controls Gaza, another war is only a matter of time, and any investment in reconstruction will be wasted, just as it has been in the past.

During his conversation with Trump, Netanyahu must also warn against the illusion of a "technocratic government" in Gaza. As seen with the so-called "Gaza Health Ministry" and the UNRWA agency, no professional body can exist in Gaza without being controlled by terrorists. As long as Hamas remains the dominant armed force in the Strip, it will ultimately control any civilian authority established there.

The Palestinian Authority (PA) cannot be the solution either. Not only does the PA continue to pay salaries to terrorists and fail to prevent attacks from its territory, but it is also clear that just as Hamas expelled the PA from Gaza in 2007, the same would happen again if the PA were entrusted with security responsibilities in the Strip.

Trump must be told that there may be no choice but to establish a temporary Israeli military-civil administration in Gaza. No other entity aside from Israel will be willing to fight Hamas over the long term. Only an Israeli military administration can dismantle Hamas' armed control and lay the groundwork for a local civilian alternative that could gain strength in the future.

Preventing reconstruction will not only hinder Hamas' ability to rebuild its military infrastructure, but it will also send a clear message to Gaza's population that as long as Hamas remains in power and committed to terrorism, there is no future for the Strip. Additionally, it will signal to Islamist terrorist supporters, who were emboldened by Hamas' recent hostage deal, that there is a heavy price to be paid for launching murderous attacks against Israel.

Breaking conventions

Trump's proposal to incentivize and facilitate voluntary emigration from Gaza to third countries is not only revolutionary, it may be the only idea that could lead to sustainable stability and offer Gazans a better future.

Some may argue that encouraging Gaza's residents to emigrate is unrealistic. But it is worth remembering that before the Abraham Accords were signed, "experts" such as then-US Secretary of State John Kerry insisted that peace agreements between Israel and Arab states were impossible without first establishing a Palestinian state.

Ultimately, when there is a determined President willing to break conventions and advance shared interests with regional states, the impossible becomes possible.

Regarding Iran, an equally pressing issue, it is necessary to reach an understanding with the US on restoring the maximum pressure campaign. This includes demanding that European nations activate the snapback mechanism to reinstate crippling sanctions on Tehran. However, this time, it is also crucial to persuade Trump to present an immediate military threat to the ayatollah regime.

Furthermore, Israel and the US must reach an agreement on joint measures to provide direct support to opposition forces in Iran working toward regime change.

By thinking outside the box and embracing new ideas, it will be possible in the coming years to bring about a historic transformation that will ensure Israel's security for generations and stabilize the entire Middle East.

Gilad Erdan has served as Israel's ambassador to the US and the UN, as a minister, and as a Knesset member. He currently heads the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy.

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To realize this potential, old paradigms must be abandoned. Israel must present groundbreaking ideas and initiatives. During my tenure as a minister, ambassador to the US, and envoy to the UN, I witnessed how the differing approaches of the Trump and Biden administrations impacted Israel's security.

Trump's willingness to break with convention led to transformative achievements, including the US Embassy's relocation to Jerusalem, recognition of Israel's sovereignty over the Golan Heights, and the Abraham Accords. From Israel's perspective, Trump's "dream team" and his freedom from past constraints represent a historic opportunity that Israel must not squander.

However, we must also account for Trump's deal-making mindset and his "America First" worldview. Any proposal presented to him will be evaluated through the lens of US interests.

An urgent strategic shift

First and foremost, we need an urgent shift in strategy toward the "head of the octopus"—Iran. Trump is expected to reinstate his "maximum pressure" campaign, but this time, economic pressure must be accompanied by a credible military threat from both the US and Israel, with the clear objective of overthrowing Tehran's regime of tyranny.

Only regime change in Tehran will achieve Trump's goals: ending regional wars, reducing US forces in the Middle East to redirect them to the Indo-Pacific, and expanding the Abraham Accords.

Regarding Gaza, Israel has decided to dismantle Hamas's military and governing power but has yet to adopt a strategy to achieve this goal. Allowing Hamas to remain in power means another war is inevitable. We must adopt a new strategy, coordinated with the new US administration, which includes halting the transfer of food and fuel to Hamas, reoccupying and holding the territory until it is fully cleared, and possibly imposing Israeli military governance in Gaza temporarily until Hamas's rule is dismantled.

The images of Gazans celebrating alongside Hamas murderers the release of terrorists highlight the need for a de-radicalization process, which can only occur after Hamas is crushed.

We now have a historic opportunity to replace the failed Oslo paradigm with new solutions for the future of Judea and Samaria, that do not include the disastrous notion of a Palestinian state. Hamas's support after October 7, even in Judea and Samaria, compels us to clarify to the world that a Palestinian terror state cannot coexist with Israel. We must enlist President Trump in creative new solutions, such as the "Emirates Plan."

It is worth noting that Trump has recently sought control over Greenland, owned by Denmark, due to its importance to US national security. Similarly, the importance of Judea and Samaria to Israel's security, as well as our moral and historical right to sovereignty over this land, is exponentially greater. Trump's return to the White House allows us to address not only the physical threats to Israel but also the attacks on its legitimacy and international standing.

Cutting UN funding

The International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague poses a threat to US soldiers and officials, just as it does to Israelis. The UN, which annually receives $19 billion in generous US funding, frequently promotes an agenda that is not only anti-Israel but also anti-American. As the leader who previously cut funding to UNRWA and withdrew the US from the biased Human Rights Council, Trump is uniquely positioned to cut US funding to the UN entirely, creating unprecedented pressure for reform in this corrupt institution.

We must work with Washington to drive significant change internationally by imposing sanctions on the ICC and promoting legislation that targets the BDS movement. Such legislation should deny US funding to universities that permit expressions of support for terrorist organizations and violent protests against Israel and Jewish students.

If we take courageous, unconventional steps with the Trump administration in the coming year and align ourselves with vital American interests, 2025 could mark a turning point in securing Israel's long-term safety. It depends on us and the initiatives we present to the president.

Gilad Erdan has served as Israel's ambassador to the US and the UN, as a minister, and as a Knesset member. He currently heads the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy.

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The fall of the Assad regime, combined with Israel's decisive blows against Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis, presents a historic opportunity. With a bold US president open to innovative initiatives, there is now a chance to fundamentally alter the Middle East. By dismantling the Iranian regime, this moment could pave the way for normalization between Israel and the broader Arab and Muslim world.

The key to achieving this transformative change lies in demonstrating strength against surrounding enemies, proving Israel's strategic value to the United States, building a coalition of moderate states, and setting a clear national goal: applying all possible pressure – including a credible military threat – to overthrow the Iranian regime, ultimately consigning it to history alongside Assad's regime.

President Donald Trump enters the White House committed to ending wars, not starting them. However, he is also prepared to strengthen US allies in the Middle East – foremost among them, Israel – so they can defend themselves. American support will weaken the Iranian-Chinese-Russian axis, fostering sustainable stability and expanding the Abraham Accords.

Trump's recent statements about the Middle East reflect his principles: distinguishing between allies and adversaries, valuing nations that achieve victories and weaken their enemies, and rejecting endless wars with heavy casualties on both sides.

Israel must act decisively to achieve its objectives against its adversaries as swiftly as possible. In Gaza, Israel needs to dismantle Hamas as a military and governing force, ensuring that humanitarian aid entering the Strip does not fall under its control. Simultaneously, any violation of the ceasefire by Hezbollah should carry a heavy price.

Israel must also demonstrate its strategic value to the US, aligning with Trump's "America First" agenda. This can be achieved through close cooperation with Washington to advance new regional military and economic frameworks alongside Abraham Accords states and other regional partners, creating a counterweight to China's expanding influence in the Middle East.

Israel must operate from a position of strength, courage, and uncompromising dedication to its vital interests. Analysts urging Israel to make concessions to the Palestinians in exchange for US support in normalization agreements risk portraying Israel as weak – a liability, not an asset, to Washington.

Reshaping the Middle East requires addressing the regime in Tehran. Israel must adopt this as a bipartisan national objective. Just as Western intelligence agencies failed to predict developments in Egypt, Syria, and Gaza, they may similarly overlook Iran's next steps. One day, the world could wake up to an Iran armed with nuclear warheads. As an ambassador to the US and UN, I engaged with representatives from regional states, including those lacking diplomatic ties with Israel, and they all recognized that Iran is the root of the problem.

Today, with Assad's fall, Iran is weaker than ever. Three of its pillars – Assad's regime, Hezbollah, and Hamas – have been crippled, and the Houthis have also suffered significant setbacks. Israel has demonstrated its ability to strike Iran's strategic assets, leaving it exposed to further aerial attacks.

Now is the time to complete the task, with US support. This involves launching a maximum-pressure campaign – economically and diplomatically – against Iran. Sanctions must target critical sectors, including energy, finance, defense, and automotive industries. Simultaneously, support for Iranian opposition groups should be bolstered, ensuring their access to encrypted communication and uninterrupted internet connectivity.

If this pressure does not bring about dramatic change or regime collapse, Israel must convince its ally that the only path to stability, peace, and prosperity in the region lies in delivering a devastating blow to the Iranian regime. Jerusalem and Washington would need to target a range of sites across Iran, from nuclear facilities to strategic government and military assets, and economic hubs such as oil facilities and ports.

Beyond Iran, it is essential to address other actors supporting radical terror and spreading hatred and antisemitism, starting with Qatar. It is unacceptable for the US to condemn Hamas for holding American citizens hostage while the same organization operates its financial empire from Doha, a US-designated ally. Nor can Qatar's media outlets continue spreading venomous anti-Israel propaganda while Trump works to strengthen the Abraham Accords.

Efforts should target government, private sector, and civil society leaders to compel Qatar to make a clear choice: end all support for terror and incitement, expel Hamas operatives, and cease aiding the organization, or face designation as a terror-supporting state and sanctions isolating it from the global community.

To ensure a bright future for Israel, citizens and the Jewish diaspora must unite around one transformative goal: the fall of Iran's regime. This moment is closer than ever.

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During my tenure as Israel's Ambassador to the US and UN, I witnessed firsthand how the differing approaches between the Trump and Biden administrations affected Israel's national security.

President Biden deserves gratitude and appreciation for military aid and defending Israel at the UN. However, we must acknowledge that the Biden administration's pressure on Israel and frequent public criticism were serious missteps. These errors complicated achieving war objectives, gave hope to our enemies, and delayed both the end of fighting, the return of hostages, and prospects for regional peace.

Trump's reelection, having already proven his openness to breakthrough thinking and initiatives, enables a strategic correction and turning point.

Returning to Pressure

First, a dramatic shift from the Biden administration's ineffectiveness against the "head of the octopus" – Iran – is required. The US must revive Trump's "maximum pressure" campaign against Iran, but this time economic pressure must be accompanied by military threat and a clear objective of regime change in Tehran. This is key to security stability in the Middle East and advancing "warm peace" between Israel and regional states.

Regrettably, the Biden administration's strong desire to return to the nuclear deal with Iran and its insistence on old paradigms regarding the Palestinian issue led to opposite results. Palestinians entrenched in their refusal and continued inciting and funding terror. Hamas and Hezbollah hoped American pressure to end the war would cause Israel to abandon its objectives, consequently causing regional states, including some that signed the Abraham Accords, to question warming relations with Israel. Not coincidentally, no additional Arab state joined the peace circle during Biden's administration.

I have no doubt President Trump will act differently. As someone who previously assisted Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's efforts and took significant steps like recognizing Morocco's sovereignty in Western Sahara – to incentivize Arab leaders to normalize relations with Israel – I believe the Trump administration's return to pressuring Iran, combined with direct incentives to regional states, will bring us much closer to a peace agreement with Saudi Arabia and subsequently many other Muslim nations.

While Trump declared during his campaign that he seeks quick war endings, I'm certain he and his team understand well that ending the war in Gaza and Lebanon requires defeating Hamas and Hezbollah and restoring Israeli deterrence, otherwise we'll be condemned to recurring wars in our region. Trump understands that only Israel's clear victory will bring long-term stability and quiet.

A Distorted Structure Called the UN

The major change I hope for and believe achievable in the Trump era is in the UN arena. Israel's enemies understood that, given the difficulty of defeating us on the battlefield, they could exploit the UN's distorted structure to block Israel and embarrass the US.

The UN and its organizations - including the Human Rights Council, The Hague court, UNRWA and others – have deteriorated to unprecedented lows and become weapons in terrorist organizations' hands.

President Trump isn't a blind follower of "multilateralism" at any cost. He previously completely cut UNRWA's budget when convinced the organization perpetuates rather than resolves the conflict. Now we must convince President Trump that the US, as the UN's largest funder, should completely cease transferring approximately $19 billion annually to an organization that has lost its way and values until necessary reforms are implemented. Such change would create a global shift that would also influence and strengthen Israel's international standing.

If Israel's government acts wisely with the new administration, as it did previously during President Trump's first term, we can witness another four years of diplomatic and security achievements that will secure Israel's future.

Gilad Erdan served as Israel's ambassador to the US and UN, and today is the head of the Center for Diplomacy and International Cooperation at the Jerusalem-based Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy.

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The fact that we cannot predict the future should not prevent us from learning the lessons of the past. Seventy-six years after the hell gates of Auschwitz were thrown open, we need to both look back and prepare for what is to come.

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Today, like 76 years ago, we are witnessing complacence, this time by the UN Security Council about Tehran's attempts to achieve nuclear weapons capabilities. Like then, warning lights are on, but the UNSC stays mum and does nothing, the world averts its eyes, and waits. For how long?

Apparently, until it is too late. No longer! Israel will not allow Nazi Iran to become a nuclearized state. The similarity between the Nazi regime and the ayatollah regime should cause the world to worry. Iran is ruled by the combination of a radical ideology and a totalitarian "party" that executes dissenters, blocks internet access and information channels as it sees fit, and controls every aspect of its citizens' lives.

Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and his regime deny the Holocaust, are infected with anti-Semitism, and openly work to promote their goal of wiping out the Jewish state. Their statements are backed up by actions – the Iranian parliament is even promoting legislation to destroy Israel by the end of 2041, and continues to violate the 2015 nuclear deal, threatening Israel and the entire world.

When we say "never again" in the context of commemorating the Holocaust, this is what we mean: Israel must now allow the world's most dangerous regime to get its hands on the world's most dangerous weapon.

The advantage secured over Iran through harsh American sanctions should be used to reach a nuclear agreement that will truly keep Iran from achieving nuclear weapons capabilities. It would be a mistake to re-adopt the old deal, and the mistake of 2015 must not be repeated. Iran will come to the table only when it is forced to face both paralyzing sanctions and a military threat. This was proved in the past, before the nuclear deal was signed after Iran entered negotiations that sadly ended with a poor deal that did not check its nuclear ambitions.

Not only did the 2015 deal not stop Iran's nuclear program, it funneled billions of dollars into Iran's coffers that made their way to various terrorist organizations around us. Removing the sanctions will only convince Iran to refuse any more negotiations and wait a few more years until the restrictions of the deal come to an end.

In 1945, 12 years after Hitler rose to power, the Allies liberated Auschwitz. Three of my grandparents were among those set free. Today, the international community has to ask itself whether it should have taken 12 years. Could the murder of so many people have been prevented? And most importantly, can we take the risk of repeating the same mistakes? Can we stand by as history re-writes itself before our very eyes? Can we refuse to listen as an existential threat comes ever closer? Never again – means today!

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Sone 850,000 Jews have been deported from Arab countries and Iran, but their stories are not heard in EU meeting and their photos cannot be found hanging in exhibitions in the UN corridors. Their names are not mentioned in the thousands of UN resolutions of recent decades, and the international community has not earmarked an annual date to mark their plight.

The UN may see them as "negligible" refugees – but we do not. After their failure to prevent the establishment of the State of Israel, and as part of the Arab outrage after the Nov. 29 decision setting the process in motion, Arab states launched war not only against the newly formed Jewish state but also against the peaceful, thriving Jewish communities living in their midst.

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Entire communities in Morocco, Iraq, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon, Iran, and other countries were "erased" and with them, thousands of years of heritage, culture, and history were obliterated.

The UN has never done anything to acknowledge the gross injustice inflicted on our brethren, who were assaulted, murdered, and robbed of their property by the Arab states they called home.

In the decades since the deportation of Jews from those countries, the UN has worked to help only "Palestinian refugees." UNRAW, the UN's Palestinian refugees agency, has received tens of billions of dollars for the welfare of these refugees and their families. But these funds have also gone toward encouraging terrorism and incitement, and they perpetuate the false narrative of the Palestinian "right of return."

I see it as the moral duty of the State of Israel and for myself to fight to right the wrong done to our deported brothers and sisters. As Israel's ambassador to the United Nations, and out of a deep commitment to them, I will work to raise awareness to the issue among the international community.

This proposal does not mean to provoke strife with our neighbors, rather to see justice is served and to bring about equality in the world's approach to the immense injustice inflicted on our people. I intend to submit a draft resolution on the matter to the UN Secretariat, and use of the ties I have already fostered with many ambassadors to mobilize broad support.

If the international community truly seeks to promote peace between Israel and its neighbors, it must recognize the historical truth and injustice inflicted on Arab Jewry. The discourse we will foster in the UN may not change history, but it will restore the respect they deserve and recognize the decades-long injustice.

The Abraham Accords are a ray of light for the thousands of Jews currently living in Arab states. The rapprochement between Israel, Bahrain and the UAE – and soon, I hope other Arab countries as well – should encourage Arab leaders to support the Jewish communities in their countries and allow them to proudly celebrate their heritage.

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But despite this, I decided to begin my UN ambassadorship with a clear determination to fight for Israel's reputation and to get rid of the hatred toward Israel there and to make sure that the automatic majority against it is no longer a pre-ordained fate. I believe that now, with Arab countries embracing peace with Israel as a boon and the Iranian brutality exposed on a daily basis, there is a fighting chance of achieving this goal.

As soon as I arrived in New York, I began working alongside our friends in the Trump administration to restore the UN sanctions on Iran that had been lifted following the 2015 nuclear deal. The windfall profits Tehran got from the relief in its wake has armed its terrorist tentacles in Iran, Syria, Yemen, Libya, Gaza, and of course in Lebanon.

One would think that the UN, as an institution that has championed peace and security, would join the struggle against the biggest terrorist regime in the world, which has continued to openly call for the annihilation of Israel. Unfortunately, the Security Council has chosen excuses over actions.

While Iran executes protesters, including wrestler Navid Afkari, a majority of Security Council members have shamefully refused to join the US-led effort against Tehran, effectively choosing to reward such murderous action. There is no better proof for the disconnect between the theoretical ideas of the UN Charter and its failed implementation in reality.

UN members must "practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbors," the charter stipulates. But despite this, the UN and its institutions have remained silent when three countries have announced new peace deals (Israel, the UAE and Bahrain).

In his address at the start of the General Debate last week, Secretary-General António Guterres chose to speak about Afghanistan and other matters while completely ignoring the normalization deals that have changed the Middle East, while also focusing on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Thus, the UN has become once again a body of slogans that are detached from reality, as part of the years-long anti-Israel show there.

When it funds agencies like UNRWA that only perpetuate the culture of lies and avoids dealing with the pressing matters critical to world peace, the UN risks losing the last vestiges of legitimacy and relevancy. If the UN fails to confront the worst form of regimes and continues to obsessively preoccupy itself with the Palestinian issue, in 75 years it will no longer be able to celebrate its anniversary, because it will have lost its right to exist.

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The prestigious and bloated organization that was created in the wake of the Holocaust and World War II must rethink its route. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will address the General Assembly on Tuesday and showcase Israel's many accomplishments and importance on the global stage, and it is high noon for the UN to underscore Israel's global role as well. I will fight for this with every fiber of my being and I believe that if the UN wants to be relevant, it must show impartiality and fairness toward Israel.

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