The leader of the world's largest democracy, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is set to embark on a two-day visit to the Kremlin. During his stay, he will engage in discussions with Russian President Vladimir Putin on various issues, including the escalating global tensions. The agenda includes signing a logistics agreement, expanding trade relations, deliberating on oil payment mechanisms, and initiating the Chennai-Vladivostok Maritime Corridor. India, balancing strategic and technological interests with the West against strategic and economic interests in the East, arrives in Moscow with the mission to leverage its international standing and prevent the strengthening of Sino-Russian ties.

Following Russia's invasion of Ukraine, India faced severe criticism for its refusal to openly condemn Moscow. Despite attempts to soften the blow with neutral rhetoric, it appears that on the Ukraine issue, India chose not the West, but once again itself – and in this specific case, Russia.

In a series of UN Security Council votes against Moscow's actions, India chose to abstain. In public statements, it offered vague references to the importance of dialogue and the merits of diplomacy, calling for the preservation of territorial integrity without directly naming Russia.

In the exclusive club of Russia's allies, which includes Iran, China, and North Korea, India also finds a place. New Delhi and Moscow have enjoyed close ties since the 1950s, which were accelerated following the signing of the "Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty" in 1971 at the height of the Cold War. With the collapse of the USSR, relations were redefined, but security and strategic ties, along with a positive image that even the great America envies, remain intact. The affinity for Moscow in New Delhi's policy-making corridors and among the general public may explain the hangover India has been experiencing for the past two years.

Despite security trade being the cornerstone of relations between the two nations, in recent years India, the world's largest arms importer, has sought to diversify its defense procurement arsenal. This move has created opportunities for Western companies, particularly American, French, and Israeli firms. Over the past two decades, India has spent about $60 billion on Russian weaponry, but imports have steadily declined, and the Ukraine war has accelerated this trend. The conflict in Ukraine has disrupted Russia's ability to supply critical spare parts for systems and equipment used by the Indian military and delayed the implementation of the S-400 air defense system, which India purchased in 2018 for $5 billion. The focus on Ukraine, Western sanctions, concerns about Russian equipment quality, the desire to develop a strong domestic industry, and the need to appease America have played significant roles in changing the equation.

Nevertheless, New Delhi has numerous interests in keeping Moscow close. The strengthening of Russia-China relations since 2014 is a source of concern for Indians, as is the defense agreement between Russia and North Korea. The outcome of Putin's recent visit to North Korea has caused discomfort in Delhi, primarily due to the ongoing military cooperation between North Korea and Pakistan.

India is also one of the biggest beneficiaries of the war in Ukraine. Western sanctions on Russia have shifted Russian exports eastward, and today about 90% of Russian oil exports are sold to China and India – the former importing about 50% and the latter 40%. Private oil companies have minimized their domestic fuel sales to the required minimum, hiked prices, sold oil in international markets, and thus inadvertently contributed to the rise in global oil prices. These moves have put India at the center of global criticism and added a less flattering characteristic to its image – a country providing billions to the Kremlin and aiding the Russian war machine. Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar stated that India, first duty is to help its own people. During the current visit, the Modi administration is expected to request a further discount on the price of a barrel of "black gold."

The visit provides an opportunity for both countries to calibrate their relationship and strengthen their strategic partnership while navigating geopolitical complexities.

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The greatest election marathon in the world has come to an end with a historic yet disappointing victory for the incumbent Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, aged 73, who was re-elected to lead the world's largest democracy for a third consecutive term.

However, contrary to optimistic forecasts, Modi secured a slim majority of 294 out of 543 seats in the lower house, failing to replicate his success from 2019. Modi, who had set a goal of crossing the 400-seat threshold under the slogan "Abki Baar, 400 Paar" ("This time surpassing 400") and who had turned Indian politics into a one-person show in recent years, received a reminder that meticulous planning in governing the country is not the sole key to his continued rule.

The surprising election results also left their mark on the markets. Over the last 48 hours, stock exchanges in Asia, including the Indian Nifty 50 index, were in the red. Many investors are concerned about the narrowing of Modi's room for maneuvering in forming a coalition and implementing significant reforms.

A decline was also observed in voter turnout compared to previous elections. The reasons for this likely stem from the extreme heat wave that hit the country during the voting period and the sense that nothing could stand in the way of the Modi juggernaut's clear victory. After a decade in power and fulfilling most of his promises to voters, Modi left little room for the possibility of change.

Disgruntled in-house rivals 

Modi's campaign emphasized the importance of preserving and expanding his achievements. From the ruling party, little has remained but the orange color representing it, and at the forefront of the election campaign stood Modi's figure. The party's platform reflected a similar spirit, dubbed the "Modi Guarantee."

Furthermore, Modi employed various tactics to ensure his victory, such as recruiting famous candidates, including movie stars, to get rid of veteran candidates in key areas; attacking the Opposition's strongholds in the south through outreach to the Christian minority; and repeating a mix of populist messages that proved effective in the past, primarily focused on economic development, strengthening Hindu nationalism, and reinforcing the voter base in the party-controlled areas in the northern states. Modi added to this a sophisticated strategic ground game and, organizational commitment, and tactical flexibility – everything needed to achieve the goal.

Modi's clique may have won, but it also had to eat some humble pie. For a decade, the "Modi cult" managed to create quite a few bitter in-house rivals who did not look kindly upon the adoption of Vladimir Putin's authoritarian methods in the land of Buddha. Long periods in power, coupled with an authoritarian and meticulous leadership style, led members of Modi's BJP party to adopt a very independent stance, causing internal tension with the party's various strongholds – chief among them the RSS, the umbrella organization of the Indian right-wing from which Modi had emerged.

Approaching the elections, this line became more rigid. J.P. Nadda, the BJP's president, said about the relationship between the bodies: "The party can go it alone. The RSS is a cultural-social organization, and we are a political organization. We manage our affairs our way."

Words are one thing; reality is another. The party's power is rooted in the RSS's ability to convert its influence into electoral power. These internal tensions and an alienating attitude towards party members marked as potential rivals and pushed to the sidelines are just some of the cracks that opened up during Modi's ten years in power.

The privileged vs. the tea seller 

For years, the Opposition seemed frozen, having failed to present an alternative to voters. In the current campaign, the messages focused on "saving democracy" out of concern over Modi's moves to change the constitution if he managed to secure the necessary majority in parliament.

The leadership crisis and rebellions within the Congress Party led it to make necessary changes. One of the party's problems was that, against Modi, the opportunistic tea seller from Gujarat, it fielded Rahul Gandhi, the privileged activist and grandson of former Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and great-grandson of India's first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

On the Indian Left, they understood Gandhi's relative leadership weakness. To create a counterweight to the support for Modi, in March 2023, the Congress Party joined other parties to form a united front against the Right. This move proved its effectiveness, if only as a means to weaken the absolute power of the Right in the country.

A wake-up call for the party 

Winning three consecutive elections is a challenging task for any politician, and Modi knew this, too. During his tenure, he pushed through a series of reforms that benefited the lower classes and rural people, from generous welfare programs to subsidies for services and basic goods. However, among India's urban and educated citizens, a sense emerged that the party was dealing with issues that did not really concern them, such as unemployment rates and soaring fuel prices.

Indeed, an analysis of the latest electoral map shows that the agricultural reform Modi's government tried to advance in 2020, which it was forced to abandon due to public pressure, left its mark. For example, in states that were at the center of the protest, Modi's party lost its footing and struggled to gain a numerical advantage.

In the ruling party, they knew that the triple victory would not be easy. Therefore, despite the relative disappointment, it is important to remember that Modi managed to win and positioned himself as one of the strongest leaders in the world. In the state of chaos and disorder, the BJP succeeded in imposing order that paved the way for the desired victory and the path to shaping the next hundred years in one of the world's most important powers.

The disappointment over the failure to expand the majority in the lower house could serve as a wake-up call for the conservative and antiquated party. If it manages to appease and accommodate the dissenting voices within, the future of Indian politics will continue to be very orange.

The author is an expert on India's foreign and security policy, an advisor to security companies, and a senior researcher at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS).

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On my way back to the hotel from the embassy district in Delhi this week, my phone was buzzing with alerts. This time they were not the Color Red rocket alerts I had gotten used to in the last two months, but alerts about an attack here, in India, the land of shanti and yoga.

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The explosion occurred while dozens of Israelis were present at the embassy compound. Next to the explosive device was found a revenge letter addressed to the Israeli ambassador to India, Naor Gilon. The event ended without casualties, but the National Security Council has already issued a travel warning for Israelis in the area.

Assessments point to Iran being behind the attempted attack. This is not the first time Tehran uses India as the place where it implements its doctrine. In February 2012, the wife of an official from the Israeli Ministry of Defense was moderately injured in an explosion of an explosive device attached to her car near the mission in Delhi.

On January 29, 2021, an explosive device was set off near the embassy (there were no casualties). The Indian counter-terrorism agencies blamed Iran's Quds Force. Then too, the perpetrators left a revenge letter declaring their intention to avenge the deaths of senior Iranians. The timing of the attack was not coincidental: It was the 29th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between India and Israel.

Iran's modus operandi in attacks of this kind is identical: An improvised explosive device set off by remote control by terrorists from a local Shiite unit. This is because Iran wants to maintain plausible deniability and avoid the diplomatic repercussions for its actions on the soil of a country with which it has friendly relations. At the same time, due to these conditions, Iranian involvement is limited, reducing the quality of the attacks to a level that is less spectacular than what Iran would like.

India is home to the world's third largest Shiite population, after Iran and Pakistan; students on Indian campuses provide fertile ground for recruiting would-be assailants for such operations. Another pool of candidates lies in students from central and south Asia who study in Iranian academic institutions. According to data from the Indian Foreign Ministry, about 2,000 Indian students reside in Iran.

The choice of Delhi was not random. A narrative has been built against India as the "betrayer who goes with the West," because it is perceived as one of the prime beneficiaries of normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia through the opening of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor.

Despite the friendly ties between Delhi and Tehran, relations have been in crisis mode for the past five years: India has had to reduce its oil imports from the Islamic Republic after the US did not extend the special sanction waiver, forcing Delhi to increase its oil purchases from the US, Saudi Arabia, and Iraq.

Since the outbreak of the war, India has expressed unwavering support for Israel and explicitly condemned Hamas, although it made sure to create a counterweight by speaking of the harm inflicted on Gaza's civilian population. But that has not stopped Iran from pigeonholing India as part of the West.

Earlier this week, the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations (UKMTO) reported that a ship with ties to Israel was attacked off the coast of India by a UAV launched from Iran. Two days ago, a ship with an Indian crew was damaged in an attack by the Houthis. In response to the events, India's Defense Minister Rajnath Singh said: "Whoever carried out this attack, we will find them even from the bottom of the sea and take tough action against them."

As attacks on ships en route to or from India continue, Delhi will have to respond in a way that shows it can be a responsible leader in the evolving maritime security architecture. The attack in Delhi is a double reminder: to Israel – that the Iranian threat of a major attack on Indian soil exists; and to Delhi – that its pro-Israel stance may come at a price.

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Hours after the images of the atrocities on Oct. 7 began spreading, condemnations also began to pour in from world leaders. One was particularly historic: Narendra Modi, the prime minister of India – the leader of the world's largest democracy – expressed his unequivocal support for Israel.

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From the moment Israel declared statehood in 1948, India had consistently refrained from supporting the Jewish state in any war; on the contrary, supported its enemies and provided them assistance. But 2023 will now go down as the year when India left its historical fears behind and stood boldly beside its friend.

Modi's support for Israel in this way is certainly a change of course, deviating from decades of walking on eggshells regarding the Middle East and Israel in particular. Had Delhi stopped short of expressing support this time, it would have severely undermined the authenticity of the ruling BJP's fight against terror and extremist Islamic elements. 

Modi's statement left no room for doubt. In his tweet on X (Twitter), he wrote: "Deeply shocked by the news of terrorist attacks in Israel. Our thoughts and prayers are with the innocent victims and their families. We stand in solidarity with Israel at this difficult hour," Modi tweeted.

Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar retweeted Modi's tweet. The wording of the statement and the speed of the response were impressive and reflected changes in geopolitical conditions and domestic politics in India.

Ever since Modi came to power in 2014, we have seen occasional departures from the longstanding foreign policy shaped by the founding fathers of the country under the long rule of the Indian National Congress (known as the Congress Part).

Among these exceptions was the Indian decision to abstain from voting against Israel in the UN Human Rights Council in 2015 and 2016. Delhi's shift has been measured; foraging many partnerships was a key tenet of that foreign policy. 

For example, in 2017, India hosted Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas before Modi's historic visit to Israel. Shortly before that, India joined the countries opposing recognition of Jerusalem as Israel's capital.

While the BJP stands with Israel, the Congress Party, which has cast itself as "the defender of human rights" in the country, has taken its time before responding to the events, and even when it did, it disappointed many in India.

The  Congress Working Committee said that it "expresses its dismay and anguish on the war that has broken out in the Middle East where over a thousand people have been killed in the last two days." It added that it "reiterates its long-standing support for the rights of the Palestinian people to land, self-government and to live with dignity and respect" and "calls for an immediate cease-fire and for negotiations to begin on all outstanding issues including the imperative issues that have given rise to the present conflict." 

India's siding with Israel is another proof of how far the two country's relationship has advanced. This shift is crucial when it comes to shaping public opinion on Israel in South Asia."

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Four hundred and forty-five percent – that is the figure by which the price of tomatoes has risen this summer in India. This has led to a massive spike in the cases of "tomato theft" and the carjacking of delivery trucks laden with the coveted produce. Even McDonald's has taken out tomato products from its menu in some Indian states in the west and north of the country. As India is the second-largest producer of tomatoes worldwide, the vegetable is a key part of Indians' diet, and its impact extends to politics. 

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The tomato's rising cost comes in the wake of massive flooding in Indian states that play a key role in growing it, such as Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Karnataka, along with higher-then-average temperatures in June-July and the late monsoon season this year. The weather has damaged crops and created shortages, resulting in skyrocketing tomato prices and turning the vegetable into a commodity that is almost beyond reach for the average citizen. It currently costs around 200 rupees ($2.4) per kilogram (about 2.2 lb), and, befittingly, the vegetable has recently been dubbed "red gold". To illustrate just how dire the situation is, consumers now often have to choose between buying two liters (67 oz) of gasoline and a kilogram of tomatoes.

The onion precedent

The government has claimed that the high price of tomatoes is just a temporary aberration and that it will drop over the coming months, but the reality is that this cannot be described as a singular event. In recent years, the middle class in India has found it increasingly hard to buy vegetables. This is bad news for the BJP, the ruling party, as it has seen all the Opposition parties join forces in an effort to topple it in the 2024 election. 

Unlike the protest against the price of cottage cheese in Israel about a decade ago, inflation of staple goods in India has the potential to bring about a government's downfall. In 1998, a surge in the price of onion had the BJP lose the elections in Delhi and Rajasthan. The party eventually realized that this posed a danger to its electoral prospects nationwide and, leaving nothing to chance, rapidly brought down the price of the commodity. The current crisis has had Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government focus on buying tomatoes from the National Cooperative Consumers' Federation of India (NCCF) and the National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation of India (NAFED) at a subsidized rate of 70 to 80 rupees per kilogram. It has also engaged the public in a creative effort to have it come up with various solutions to tackle the shortage. For example, in June, it launched the Tomato Grand Challenge hackathon, in which the public was asked to share ideas on how to combat the skyrocketing prices. 

Meanwhile, some BJP leaders claim that the seasonal rise in tomato prices has been exploited for political gain. They insist that the states governed by the party's chief rival, the Indian National Congress, have not been treating this issue with the proper gravity, even to the point of stockpiling the vegetable in order to force prices to go up. 

This is not the first time Modi has had to deal with volatile prices of produce as prime minister. In 2019, after onion prices rose by 235%, government officials banned its export and eased import restrictions. This resulted in the market being flooded with onions, and consequently, the price dropped. But this came with a bite: While consumers were happy, the agriculture cooperatives – a force to be reckoned with in Indian politics – claimed that the government was hurting their livelihood and not focusing on remedying the underlying problems in the supply chain. The farmers took to the streets and the Indian press described the situation as Modi's "onion bomb."

The Tomato Index

The current situation could disrupt the delicate inflationary balance in India. In a country where the income per capita is smaller than $2,500 a year, the rising costs of commodities and services mean that the purchasing power of the poor has been greatly reduced. In a country of this magnitude that has so many challenges on its plate, even the smallest factor can have electoral significance: If the government cannot deal with the prices of tomatoes or onions, how can it deliver on all its other election pledges, from the cost of electricity to combating crime? The Congress Party is smelling blood and hopes to seize on voters' anger by reaping political dividends. The upcoming polls will tell us whether the political drama unleashed by onions in previous decades can happen this time around as well. 

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived this week in the US for a state visit, where the schedule includes a speech before a joint meeting of Congress – an honor bestowed only to America's dearest friends – and a meeting with Indian expats in a mega event (a hallmark of Modi's overseas travel and foreign policy).

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The visit underscores the new heights reached in the bilateral relations with Washington, letting the bygones of the Cold War-era hostility be bygones. It is expected to culminate with a stronger commitment by the two nations toward the Indo-Pacific and a boosted partnership on strategic issues, as well as on defense and technology. US support of Pakistan and the restrictions it has on sharing advanced know-how with New Delhi has put the Indian armed forces at a technological disadvantage. But now the Biden administration seeks forays into India's defense manufacturing industries. India's market has great potential for US products – especially for defense manufacturers.

Biden has put a special emphasis on the collaboration between the two democracies in advanced military systems, despite the two lacking an official defense alliance.

Ahead of the visit, the White House made an effort to pressure India to cut red tape (bureaucracy has infamously plagued India's government) so that the sale of armed US drones moves forward, with the State Department and the Pentagon joining this push to have the transaction – totaling some 30 UAVs – finalized.

Two large deals are currently also in the works: One involves chip manufacturers, which could help the Indians build an indigenous chip manufacturing disposition that would help ease the global crisis in that field and reduce the dependency on Beijing; the second would create collaboration with General Electric in the manufacturing of jet engines for India's air force. Although one would expect this partnership to neatly dovetail with Israel in a trilateral partnership, the US-India tightening of relations could chip away at the potential profit Israeli manufacturers get.

Business opportunities explain only part of the picture in this new US-India embrace. In this era of shifting geopolitics, the clout of "swing countries" is ever-growing, boosting India's power as well. Delhi is, after all, one of the main protagonists in the US-led effort to counter China.

Despite the many challenges in geopolitics, for India, independence has remained its most cherished value. The non-alignment policy from the past has transformed into a multi-partnership policy. India's Deputy National Security Advisor Vikram Misri has stressed that his country has no plans for striking any military alliance with any country. However, India is willing to deepen its ties in forums that serve its interests, such as the quadrilateral alliance with the US, Australia, and Japan, and the partnership with the UAE, Israel, and the US, known as I2U2.

India and the US will both have elections in 2024, and this is not lost on both sides. The Indian community in the US comprises some five million people and it has one of the highest household median incomes of any ethnicity, not to mention that it is one of the most rapidly growing electorates, with many Indian Americans also living in key swing states that could decide the winner of the electoral college.

The community's rising presence in the public sphere has become much more apparent because of its inroads into American politics.

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Kamala Harris is the nation's first person of South Asian descent to serve as vice president, while the 2024 campaign already includes candidates with Indian backgrounds: Nikki Haley and Vivek Ramaswamy. Both have recently entered the Republican presidential primaries. During his visit, Modi was scheduled to meet with some 20 Indian CEOs of American companies and to speak before a gathering of some 1,500 members of the Indian community.

While Biden has opted to put aside the various disagreements with India, Modi's detractors in Washington have gone out of their way to advocate that the White House go against the prime minister's nationalist agenda, which they say hurts minorities – mostly Muslims.

The Indian American Muslim Council has expressed its disappointment in letting him speak before US lawmakers, saying that the US has for years accused India of human rights abuses but now it is the Biden administration – which has championed human rights – that chooses to turn a blind eye. US-India relations are a clear demonstration that realism has defeated ideology. The Chinese assertiveness in international relations has brought the two largest democracies closer than ever.

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The foiled terror plot in Greece is yet another example of the thriving collaboration between Tehran and Islamabad and how the ayatollah regime has been using Pakistani terror cells across Europe. 

As part of the intense struggle against Israel, the Iranians are hell-bent on orchestrating attacks at all costs. In recent years, we have seen a growing number of Iranian plots against Israeli and Jewish targets, on multiple continents. This time it was closer to home, a country that is popular among vacationing Israelis. 

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Iran's actions in recent years on the world stage have showcased its expansive use of cells beyond its borders that get help from home-grown elements. Such a modus operandi helps it maintain plausible deniability. Iranians have found new-old agents to perpetrate terrorist attacks against Israel: The Pakistanis. 

Pakistan is not just a safe haven for terrorist groups, it also manages to outsource its most selling product: terrorism. The Pakistanis have a wide network of people across Europe, including labor migrants and organizations helping fund their activity. 

In February 2022, Spain arrested five Pakistanis who were affiliated with the radical right-wing party TLP in Pakistan for allegedly helping the 2015 attack on the Charlie Hebdo satirical magazine in Paris. That party has many supporters in Spain, France, Italy, and Greece. Europe, in effect, had become a Pakistani terrorist paradise. 

Several months after the horrific attack on the Chabad House in Mumbai in 2008, two Pakistani suspects were arrested in Italy for allegedly providing logistical support to the perpetrators. In October 2021, a man in Cyprus of Pakistani origin was arrested over allegedly plotting to assassinate two Israeli businessmen. In the most recent plot in Greece, both suspects arrived illegally from Turkey and are not Greek citizens, but it is important to understand that the massive immigration to Europe helped proliferate such cells across the continent. 

Iran has good ties with Pakistan's spy agencies. Although the conventional wisdom is that the two countries are rivals because of their diverging Islamic character, the two have managed to maintain productive collaboration when it comes to fighting the insurgents in Balochistan. This was also evident in the case of the Indian citizen Kulbhushan Jadhav, who was sentenced to death in Pakistan over espionage. 

Pakistan and Iran are close on a whole host of issues, including Kashmir. Pakistani-sponsored terrorist groups see Israel as their ultimate enemy despite the lack of direct hostilities. This tactical alliance between Tehran and Islamabad against Israel and the Jews is a very reasonable outcome. My familiarity with the Iranian conduct suggests that Tehran wants Jewish blood to be shed, and is willing to collude with any organization that is willing to help, even if the perpetrators are amateurs.  

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The complex relationship between India and China is not a new matter, with the two countries constantly engaging in competition. Data-wise, China seems to be leading in aspects: territory, defense, budget, navy, and the middle class.

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But according to estimates, this coming April India will snatch away from China the title of being the most populated country on Earth. For the first time since the 1950s, a country other than China will hold the title.
China has gone through a significant population shrinkage in recent years, greater even than those experienced by Japan or South Korea. In 2022, China's population decreased for the first time in six decades, a historic turn that has significant implications for its economy.

It will also lead to a change in the country's age profile, with the dominant class no longer being working-age citizens, but the elderly. By 2050, the number of Chinese over the age of 65 is expected to double.

In contrast, India's population has more than tripled in the last several decades since the partition from Pakistan – from 361 million in 1951 to over 1.4 billion today. And the population keeps increasing by a million every month.

More women, fewer men

Given the social practice of favoring men in India, it is an excellent opportunity to observe the place of Indian women in the demographic picture and the changes that have taken place in the country over the past 75 years, especially in the context of female fertility and mortality rates.

Female mortality rates in India are a product of social factors, compared to the biological factors that may explain male mortality rates. Tradition, religion and economic hardship all determine whether a family is capable of raising a daughter, which is oftentimes a financial blow that leads to the choice of not having daughters at all.

As a result, India suffers from a disproportionate ratio of boys to girls, a trend that has only gotten worse in recent years. A 2011 census showed that in the age group of under 6, the ratio of boys to girls was 1,000 to 914, that is one out of every ten female fetuses does not make it to birth, or is let go of straight after birth. And yet, a survey conducted about a year ago by the Indian government showed that for the first time in history, there are more women in India than men.

Usually, female participation in the labor market is an important indicator for understanding demography and the change that has taken place in the status of women, but perhaps in the case of India, we may be dealing with an exception.

In a strange way, in recent years there's been a decrease in their participation in the workforce, despite of – or precisely due to – India's economic growth. And this pattern is evident both among women in central and rural areas.

The reason lies in the fact that the expansion of women's access to education did not undermine societal normal too much but actually allowed them to upgrade within the system. Studies show that women with a secondary education married men who were more educated and had a higher family income, which reduced their incentives to join the workforce.

In fact, a wife not working is considered a sign of high social status, and with the increase in the number of new millionaires and the expansion of the middle class in India, their number is increasing. Ironically, the participation of women in the country's labor market before independence was actually higher.

India's economic growth process has also led to several changes in favor of women. The reforms of the 1990s, which opened the Indian economy to the world and led to the expansion of the country's service sector, led to the improvement of infrastructure that benefited women.

The opening of phone service centers owned by Western companies accelerated the entry of millions of them into the labor market. The nature of office work and the employee training programs made them attractive among young women and were approved by husbands and parents as well.

And as the round-the-clock shifts required the arrival of female workers at night time, the transportation services – including from remote areas – improved as a result.

The streets too were made safer through lights and infrastructure that were given the slogan "toilets before temples" under Narendra Modi's election campaign in 2014.

Until recently, in various regions throughout India and even in the big cities, women hardly left their homes after sunset due to the dangers that the darkness of the night brings with it.

Like in Israel

Demography is not destiny and is not part of India's dharmic law, and what will ultimately decide India's position in the world and vis-à-vis China will be the courses of action that Delhi decides to take.

To enjoy the demographic dividend, India will have to find productive work for its millions of young people. The growth will put enormous pressure on its resources, economic stability, and society, and the consequences will reach far beyond its borders.

As a country at the forefront of the climate crisis, which already faces extreme weather events 80% of the year, dwindling resources like water could become decisive factors in what India's future population will look like. As a country that looks at Israel as a model of security, and economic and agricultural success, it would be right to remember that Israel did this with the help of its own women.

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Until a few years ago, the UN was for the Indians a foreign arena that allowed its leaders to be an international force based on its moral power. As part of that approach, Israel came in for criticism and condemnations by the Indian government. India's meteoric economic growth since the 1990s prompted its leaders to reexamine its "map of interests." In 1992, it opened official diplomatic relations with Israel, although Indian policy remained mainly pro-Palestinian, especially in the UN.

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The first major change in New Delhi's policy came in 2015, when India decided to abstain from a vote to condemn Israeli actions in the Gaza Strip. India was asked to balance that unusual move when it supported the establishment of a special commission to examine Israeli actions in Gaza. Nevertheless, warming relations led to a kind of euphoria in Israel. But the expectations came crashing down when India voted to condemn US President Donald Trump's declaration recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Jerusalem, which holds a special place in Islamic sentiment, is apparently a volatile issue that New Delhi is still not ready to take lightly.

The growing nationalist trends in India led to principled and global ideals that are being replaced by the sanctity of the borders of a sovereign state and an emphasis on the willingness to defend them. As a result, the war on terror became a major issue in launching cooperative ties between India and key national players, especially on the Israel-US-Saudi Arabian axis. The rise of the Indian Right under Modi threw off old habits, first and foremost the prevailing equation that ties with Israel were the equivalent to wrecking India's relations with the Muslim world.

Since he was first elected prime minister in 2014, Modi took the opposite tack. That entailed bringing Indian-Israeli relations out of the diplomatic closet, and the new development reached its height when Modi made his historic visit to Israel in July 2017. During his years in power, Modi has maneuvered this delicate balance expertly and managed to strengthen India's vital interests. The best example of the isolationist policy is India's historic participation at a conference of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation that was held in Abu Dhabi in March. He has managed all this, while still bolstering security and diplomatic ties with Israel.

There is no doubt that India is committed to its own pressing interests before everything else. The country is dealing with terrorist attacks, and Modi's victory comes because he successfully positioned himself as "Mr. Security." After his government failed to live up to all of its economic promises, it will need to prove itself through renewed peace talks with Pakistan and by successfully fighting terrorism. The vote against the Lebanese organization in ECOSOC was designed to bolster the Indian public's faith in its government's determination to battle terrorism, but also reflects closer Indian-Israeli ties and the policy reversal that Modi is spearheading.

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