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Home Magazine

Tehran at a crossroads

by  Erez Linn
Published on  05-25-2018 00:00
Last modified: 05-25-2018 00:00
Tehran at a crossroads

Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei

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‎"And ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make you free" ‎‎(John 8:32) is the Central Intelligence Agency's motto.

Last ‎week, for the first time, this became the motto of President ‎Donald Trump's administration, as former CIA Director and ‎now Secretary of State Mike Pompeo gave one of the harshest foreign ‎policy speeches the United States and the world have heard ‎in years, a speech in which he implored Iran to be forthright with ‎the world and embark on a new path.‎

Pompeo effectively declared a cold war with Iran, ‎issuing a veiled threat that unless it meets 12 U.S. demands, ‎its future does not bode well. ‎

These demands included providing the International Atomic ‎Energy Agency with unfettered access to all sites throughout the ‎entire country; giving the IAEA a full account of the prior ‎military dimensions of its nuclear program and permanently and ‎verifiably abandoning such work in perpetuity; halting any and all ‎plutonium processing, including closing Iran's heavy-water ‎reactor; ending its proliferation of ballistic ‎missiles and halting the development of nuclear-capable missile ‎systems; releasing all U.S. citizens as well as citizens of U.S. ‎partners and allies held in Iran, and ending its ‎support to Middle Eastern terrorist groups, including Hezbollah, ‎Hamas and Islamic Jihad.‎

Other demands include pledging to respect the sovereignty of ‎the Iraqi government and permit the disarming, demobilization ‎and reintegration of Shiite militias; ending Iran's military support for ‎the Houthi rebels in Yemen; withdrawing all forces under ‎Iran's command throughout the entirety of Syria; ending Iran's ‎support for the Taliban and other terrorist groups in Afghanistan ‎and the region and ceasing its harboring of senior al-Qaida ‎leaders; ending the support lent by the Quds Force – the ‎Revolutionary Guards' black-ops arm – for terrorists groups ‎worldwide; ending Iran's threatening behavior against its ‎neighbors, many of whom are U.S. allies, in the Persian Gulf and ‎the Middle East, including its threats to destroy Israel, and ending malign Iranian cyber activity. ‎

Pompeo's speech incorporated many carrots and sticks. If Iran ‎complies with these demands, he said, the U.S. will facilitate its ‎acceptance into the international community, guarantee Iran's ‎access to advanced technology that can improve its stagnant ‎economy, and even acknowledge Iran's unique standing as a ‎Shiite republic in the heart of the Middle East. But if Iran ‎continues lying to the world, it will never be free, he warned. ‎

Failure to comply will see ‎Iran suffer "the strongest sanctions in history," he said, and the U.S. will ‎be "fully prepared to respond" to any provocation.‎

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo Reuters

This was Pompeo's first speech as secretary of state but from the ‎Trump administration's viewpoint it represented the mood that ‎has been prevalent in the Oval Office since January 2017.‎

Pompeo, in the role of the godfather of dismantling the 2015 ‎nuclear agreement, made Iran an offer it cannot refuse: Shelve the ‎insane idea of "exporting" the Islamic Revolution, with ‎everything that this implies; renounce the nuclear program; ‎relinquish the idea of having Quds Force bases in Syria and ‎Yemen, and shutter the ballistic missile program, and in return, ‎Iran will receive a robust international and American embrace.‎

Since the nuclear agreement was reached in July 2015, Iran ‎has believed it could have it both ways, namely be considered one of ‎the "good guys" in the global arena while continuing to agitate in ‎the Middle East as if that were just another Iranian province. ‎

For Europe and the Obama administration, turning the nuclear ‎agreement into a regional springboard for Iran was part of an ‎orderly plan. The Islamic republic was perceived as a rising ‎power that could put an end to the upheavals that followed the ‎‎2011 Arab Spring, and the agreement reflected this perception. ‎

After all, as President Barack Obama made clear to anyone who ‎would listen, as far as his administration was concerned, the ‎Middle East was a lost cause and should be allowed to stew in its ‎own juices, which gave Iran and Russia free rein to do what they ‎want in the region.‎

Obama may have wanted to create an endless Sunni-Shiite ‎struggle to keep the Middle East occupied, but for the ‎Trump administration, Obama's approach was a ‎recipe for increasing regional instability and exporting terrorism ‎across the globe. Worse, it was a recipe for a nuclear arms race ‎in the Middle East. Trump believes that the vacuum Obama left ‎for Russia and Iran is a failure that must be rectified and pulling ‎out of the nuclear agreement was the first stage.‎

The position of strength ‎

Any other country facing the distress Iran is experiencing would ‎jump at the chance to take Pompeo up on his offer. But Iran is no ‎ordinary country.

Tehran still believes the U.S. is not really ‎interested in regaining its foothold in the Middle East and that ‎Germany, France and Britain – the European signatories to the ‎‎2105 accord – will come up with a way to salvage it. ‎

As expected, the speech evoked the usual mix of condemnations ‎and defiant statements from Iran. Foreign Minister Mohammad ‎Javad Zarif called Pompeo's comments "untrue," saying they were ‎based on "old illusions" and that Washington had become "a ‎hostage to pressure groups."

The "U.S. diplomacy sham is merely a regression to old habits: Imprisoned by delusions and failed policies – dictated by corrupt ‎special interests – it repeats the same wrong choices and will thus ‎reap the same ill rewards," Zarif warned. ‎

Iranian President Hassan Rouhani challenged Pompeo, saying, ‎‎"Countries are independent. ... Who are you to decide for Iran ‎and the world?"

Unfaltering facade aside, Tehran is feeling the pressure of the ‎American determination to erase any trace of the nuclear ‎agreement. Zarif himself admitted a few days ago that Europe is ‎actually a broken reed and complained it was not "doing enough ‎to save the agreement." By chance or circumstance, mass ‎demonstrations have been popping up in various parts of Iran ‎and the Iranian rial is rapidly eroding. ‎

Among the many rebukes Pompeo hurled at the ayatollahs' ‎regime and the nuclear deal's architects from the previous administration was a small, revolutionary message in which the Trump ‎administration extended an olive branch to its foe.‎

‎"We are happy … to re-establish full diplomatic and commercial ‎relationships with Iran. And we are prepared to allow Iran to ‎have advanced technology. If Iran makes this fundamental ‎strategic shift, we, too, are prepared to support the modernization ‎and reintegration of the Iranian economy into the international ‎economic system," he said.‎

It is hard to remember one instance in which the Obama ‎administration, which Trump believes handed the Middle East to ‎Iran on a silver platter, publicly offered to make peace with ‎Tehran. ‎

This is where the difference between the two presidents lies. ‎Obama had formulated the nuclear deal with Iran because he ‎thought it would bolster the moderate forces and foster the type ‎of dynamics that would lead Iran to relinquish its problematic ‎issues of its own accord within a decade. Trump, on the other ‎hand, believes that the agreement will achieve the exact opposite ‎and he is ready to exert heavy pressure to get Iran to a point ‎where it will have no choice but to change its ways. ‎

Both presidents were prepared to reconcile with Iran, but while ‎Obama placed his faith in Iranian reforms, the latter believes ‎peace is struck from a position of power. ‎

After replacing nearly all of his senior staff, including the ‎secretary of state, national security adviser and chief of staff, ‎Trump is walking the path he has championed since the first day ‎of his presidential campaign, the path of "America First" not the ‎one saying "America leads from behind."‎

Just as Trump successfully ran the 2016 campaign via Twitter ‎and turned all the theories of getting one's message across on ‎their head, he now hopes to fundamentally change the way the ‎world is dealing with Iran.‎

It is hard to believe that Iran will comply with the demands set ‎by Pompeo in part or in full, but the speech has placed Tehran on ‎the defensive and it is now engaged in containment efforts to ‎stop Europe from abandoning it as well. ‎

Iran is at a crossroads and its leaders are the only ones who know ‎how to get to the other side. The success – or lack thereof – of ‎Pompeo's speech will be gauged on the ground in the coming ‎months and years.

If Iran allocates more resources to domestic ‎issues instead of for fighting in Syria and Yemen, then the speech ‎will have succeeded and if it asks to negotiate a new and ‎upgraded nuclear agreement, it will be a knockout for the Trump ‎administration. But if Iran resumes its nuclear program and ‎provoke the U.S., Trump will see this as a pretext for an ‎American strike. After Pompeo's speech, no one will be able to ‎say that Trump had not warned Tehran in advance.‎

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