Isi Leibler

Isi Leibler's website can be viewed at www.wordfromjerusalem.com. He may be contacted at ileibler@leibler.com.

Political dysfunction, electoral chaos

Setting aside the Gaza confrontations, it can be said that 2018 was one of Israel's best years since the establishment of the state.

U.S. President Donald Trump's administration has become the most Israel-friendly U.S. government in history, a stark reversal from Barack Obama, who appeased the Iranians while treating Israel almost like a rogue state.

Likewise, while nations still tend to vote against us or abstain at the U.N., our relationship has dramatically improved with many that previously refused any association with us. These include Russia, India, China, Australia, and a host of countries in Africa, Southeast Asia and Latin America – most recently Brazil. In addition, we have established covert associations with the Saudis and the Arab Gulf states.

But now storm clouds are gathering and we face serious new and intensified threats. We are at a loss to anticipate where Trump is heading after his precipitous and totally unexpected decision to withdraw U.S. forces from Syria. Trump's allies now fear that, with the Russians effectively controlling the region, his move will be a boon for the Iranians.

Israel is also concerned at the recent signs indicating that Russia has downgraded the warm relationship displayed by Putin. While there is military coordination of sorts still prevailing with the Russians, it is a highly fragile relationship and could easily break down.

The IDF is probably at its highest level of preparedness and claims it could ably defeat an attack from all its adversaries combined, although it admits we would face heavy civilian casualties from missiles. We cannot become complacent and should remind ourselves of the disastrous events preceding the Yom Kippur War exacerbated by our hubris and note that the IDF ombudsman warned of weaknesses on the ground.

In the context of these new threats, the burden of leadership falls primarily on our prime minister who, aside from holding four ministerial portfolios, is diverted virtually every day by police interrogations and the imminent announcement by Attorney General Avichai Mendelblit poised to indict him for corruption. Yet, despite the immense pressure, he remains in control and is effectively the only person capable of making the necessary decisions that could determine war.

At times like this, the focus of the government should be on the current security threats. Alas, in lieu of this, we have been thrust into an election season where most politicians are bent on seeking votes rather than serving the national interest.

What a contrast today to the personalities of yore, like that of recently deceased Moshe Arens, a man of unquestioned integrity and political stature, a diplomat and leader who was utterly dedicated to the national interest.

We remain saddled with a proportional preference system, which may be the most democratic but gives disproportionate power to smaller parties, enabling them to hold the balance of power and extort the majority for its own sectoral objectives.

We are in a period of political chaos.

However, on the crucial issue of security and foreign affairs, if in government, the centrist opposition parties would undoubtedly promote the policies currently implemented by the government – separation from the Palestinians with the retention of security, ensuring that we were not creating another terrorist state or launching pad for the Iranians.

This approach, given minor nuances, is that of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The current prediction is that, despite the threat of an indictment, his bitter personal adversaries and the demonizing media, Netanyahu will be re-elected prime minister.

However, if he does form a government, it will likely be his final term. If after being elected, he announced that he would retire at the end of his term, he would be admired by the entire nation. He should then appoint ministers and concentrate exclusively on his role as prime minister.

Subsequently, he should approach the opposition and invite those willing to join a national unity government to deal with security issues and relations with the Palestinians.  It should be noted that Menahem Begin, despite his bitter relationship with the Labor party, managed such a move before the Six-Day War.

In the highly unlikely event that such an arrangement could be achieved with the leading opposition parties, Israelis may begin to respect their political leaders, contrary to what is currently the case when most are despised as selfish opportunists.

Aside from creating a sense of real unity in the nation, it would also have a major positive impact on Diaspora Jews who would be incentivized to support the State of Israel rather than identifying with partisan political groups.

It could also have a constructive influence on the many nations which currently distance themselves or oppose us.

Alas, the probability of this becoming a reality is slim because most politicians are more concerned with their short-term personal ambitions.

The likely outcome is that Netanyahu will be re-elected, but there are many unpredictable factors that could deny voters their preference. Sadly, the next government is likely, once more, to be dominated by small parties led by egotistical individuals pursuing their own partisan, self-serving interests, often at the expense of the national interest.

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