Praising the sports celebrity, Trump stated: "This room is loaded up with the biggest leaders in the world – business, sports…" Trump continued: "My son is a big fan of Ronaldo… Barron got to meet him, and I think he respects his father a little bit more now – just the fact that I introduced you." The president concluded: "So I just want to thank you both for being here," US Sun reported.

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According to diplomatic sources, bin Salman plans to present the Trump administration with a series of proposals addressing open regional issues, including the Palestinian issue, where Riyadh insists on the need for recognition of a "Palestinian state."

The sources also said bin Salman plans to propose reviving negotiations between Iran and the US, which have remained frozen since the 12-day war in June, during which the US struck Iranian nuclear facilities despite international efforts to renew dialogue.

The newspaper also reported that the crown prince and his team are developing a new strategy aimed at "reorganizing the Middle East." According to the sources, the plan includes strengthening relations with Tehran and preventing further military escalation between Iran and Israel. Additionally, Saudi Arabia is trying to persuade Iran to reach compromises in the Yemen, Lebanon, and Iraq arenas, a move that sources say could reduce the likelihood of further regional escalation.

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Saudi Arabia possesses a well-equipped air force, based primarily on American-made systems and aircraft. In 2017, during President Donald Trump's first term, an extensive arms deal was signed with Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, and this deal was further expanded during his recent visit to the region.

Saudi Arabia hasn't officially confirmed involvement in the interceptions and even condemned Israel for launching the offensive against Iran. Israel, the United States and European countries demonstrated close operational cooperation, through which Iran's image as a regional threat was damaged.

The political significance is broad – the very fact that a leading Sunni state, perhaps the most central one, is acting in ways that lead to thwarting Iranian threats even without public declaration indicates a deep regional shift. However, Saudi Arabia emphasized it won't allow use of its airspace for striking targets in Iran.

12-day international coalition

During the 12 days of fighting against Iran, several countries acted to defend the region's skies, including Jordan, which operated mainly through its air force in its airspace; Britain and France, which also operated in the aerial arena; and the United States military, which alongside the IDF was the most active – through aircraft, ships, Patriot and THAAD air defense systems and more.

Iran launched over a thousand drones toward Israel. Most were intercepted far from the border, and a minority were shot down by the Israeli Air Force over Israeli skies. This joint operation wouldn't have been possible without years of exercises and simulations with international partners – including Greece, Italy, France and Britain.

At the center of activity stood US Central Command – CENTCOM – commanded by General Mike Kurilla, who's credited with a significant contribution to the cooperation mechanism that operated here. Since the IDF joined CENTCOM, a well-connected military system has been built and developed, including Israel and European countries like Britain, France, Greece, Italy and Cyprus.

Another significant achievement of this framework is establishing a joint American command and control center, connected in real-time to all involved militaries. Kurilla himself sat in this center during many stages of the fighting, leading coordination between intelligence, warning, activation and interception elements.

Years of preparation

In the IDF, the International Planning Division in the Planning Directorate is responsible for managing relations with CENTCOM and other partner countries. International Planning representatives have a role in every command and corps – ensuring continuous contact with counterparts in foreign militaries. The frequency of dialogue with American commanders has risen dramatically in recent years – from ceremonial conversations every six months to daily dialogue, joint exercises, coordinated flights, and even intelligence cooperation.

The chiefs of staff – the recently retired Chief Herzi Halevi and current Chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir – have also maintained close relations with senior commanders in the US military. The US serves not only as a bridge between Israel and regional countries but also as a coordinating factor with Arab countries with which there are no direct relations.

This cooperation was tested not only now but also in previous waves of Iranian attacks on Israel in April and October 2024. Then too, the United States and European countries operated in various arenas – some through interception means, others through location and information sharing. Now, during the 12-day campaign, the operation was much broader in scope.

Jordan, unlike others, publicly acknowledged interception operations and even emphasized that drones fell in its territory causing damage – which required a response. France also explained its participation as defending its interests in Jordan, while avoiding public mention of Israel.

The results that received impressive expression in the current war could form a basis for much larger political moves – perhaps even for the comprehensive regional move that President Trump is planning as part of his "mega-deal" for the Middle East.

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During his address at the Saudi-US Investment Forum held in Riyadh, President Donald Trump announced a significant shift in American foreign policy by declaring an end to sanctions imposed on Syria throughout its violent civil war under Bashar Assad's authoritarian leadership.

This is a major policy reversal that comes after Assad's December flight from the country and takeover by current Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani.

"I will be ordering the cessation of sanctions against Syria in order to give them a chance at greatness," Trump stated, generating applause from those in attendance. The president mentioned that he had consulted with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman regarding this diplomatic move.

The president characterized the economic restrictions as having been "brutal and crippling," while acknowledging they had fulfilled an essential purpose. Trump expressed that now is Syria's "time to shine."

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At this very moment, the world's eyes are turned to Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, where the first high-level discussion between American and Russian officials is taking place since President Vladimir Putin ordered the full-scale invasion of Ukraine nearly three years ago. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that after the initial phase, Europe would be involved. However, another question occupies many minds: How did the city that was long considered the capital of the world's most conservative state transform within a few years into a center of international diplomacy and business?

In June 2012, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud was appointed crown prince following the death of his brother Nayef, and in January 2015, he became king after the death of his half-brother, King Abdullah. At age 80, the king gradually transferred the reins of power to his favored son Mohammed, appointing him prince shortly after, changing the succession line from horizontal (brother to brother) to vertical (father to son). Mohammed, known by his acronym MBS, who was less than 30 years old at the time of appointment, is essentially the face of change.

"Agenda 2030" is his manifesto – a plan to transform the nation's character by 2030 through reducing dependence on oil (Saudi Arabia is the world's largest producer), opening the economy to new technologies, and introducing women (who were previously invisible) into the workforce and society. By 2025, Prince Mohammed has already succeeded in some of his missions. Saudi Arabia today is barely recognizable compared to what it was 10 years ago. Unlike before, all Western nations now stand in line to take a small part in its meteoric development.

The change is not just cultural and economic, but also primarily about image. The new Saudi Arabia manages to market itself as more liberal and democratic, but in practice, it remains very similar to the old Saudi Arabia. It is well known that MBS' impressive results were achieved through the elimination of his opponents. In recent years alone, hundreds of opponents, economists, and journalists have been arrested. The most publicized case was the assassination of famous Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi in the Istanbul consulate by individuals close to Prince Mohammed.

Regarding its relations with the United States, Riyadh has always maintained close ties with Washington. However, despite condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine, in recent years Saudi Arabia has also maintained friendly relations with Vladimir Putin, partly thanks to connections forged within OPEC – the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. Through this network of relationships, Saudi Arabia has become the official mediator for prisoner exchanges between Russia and Ukraine, and between Russia and the United States – a critical and unique role that no other nation has achieved.

Indeed, Saudi Arabia is undoubtedly the most surprising yet strategic country for these talks. First and foremost because it has managed to maintain its hybrid geopolitical character between Russia and the United States, therefore being perceived by both sides as friendly territory, or at least not hostile. For Russia, the possibility of meeting in a country not associated with NATO – and one that did not join Western sanctions – is much more acceptable than meeting in Europe, for example. Similarly, the United States sees Saudi Arabia as a reliable mediator that maintains its status as a long-term ally.

Additionally, from a logistical and security perspective, Saudi Arabia can ensure discretion and control over the event. Riyadh can host both delegations far from the Western press's eye, which suits the sensitive and discreet nature of both Russia and the United States very well. It's also worth remembering that the Saudis already played an active role in the Ukraine war when in summer 2023 they hosted an international summit in Jeddah on the Ukrainian peace plan, attended by several world powers committed to the cause.

However, as mentioned, Riyadh's involvement is not without interests. On the contrary, it aligns with the broader Saudi strategy to upgrade its status as a global diplomatic hero. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman sees the high-profile negotiations as an opportunity to strengthen the kingdom's international image as a participant in peace and stability. After years in which Saudi Arabia was often associated with conflicts or human rights disputes, now MBS wants to present his country as part of the solution to global crises. Perhaps he, just like Donald Trump, dreams of a Nobel Peace Prize.

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Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's drive to modernize Saudi Arabia is gaining momentum as regional developments, including the collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, create new opportunities for Middle Eastern stability, POLITICO reports.

The kingdom's transformation is evident in recent developments that would have been unthinkable a decade ago. Last week, Riyadh launched the world's longest driverless metro system, while international pop star Jennifer Lopez performed at a fashion show celebrating women, organized by Lebanese designer Elie Saab. The country also secured rights to host the 2034 World Cup.

"What has changed in this country? Everything," Mohammed Alyahya, senior advisor to the Saudi foreign minister, told POLITICO. "We all thought it might take two to three generations. It was sudden, and it worked. We have a leader in this country who is drawing on the energy of the 'youth bulge' to remake it."

This transformation reflects a significant shift from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's earlier approach to regional politics. After becoming heir apparent in 2017, he initially pursued an aggressive foreign policy, including Saudi involvement in Yemen's civil war and confrontation with Iran. However, he has since pivoted to focus on domestic modernization through his Vision 2030 plan.

The kingdom's reform agenda comes as the Middle East faces new strategic realignments. Prior to the Hamas attack last year, Saudi Arabia had been moving toward normalizing relations with Israel. While these talks are currently paused, recent regional developments, particularly Iran's weakened position following Assad's fall, could revive the normalization process.

"Why aren't we getting enough foreign direct investment? The geopolitical perception of the region is not good," Abdulaziz Al-Sager, head of the Gulf Research Center, told POLITICO.

Saudi Arabia's stability hinges partly on its ability to provide opportunities for its young population, with 70% of Saudis under 35. The kingdom is following the United Arab Emirates' model, emphasizing technology, artificial intelligence, and increased female workforce participation while seeking to diversify beyond oil dependence.

The upcoming Trump administration elicits mixed reactions in the region. While President-elect Donald Trump's strong support for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu raises concerns about progress on Palestinian issues, his previous success in facilitating normalization agreements with Israel and tough stance on Iran is viewed positively.

"We've moved from geopolitics to geoeconomics," UAE diplomatic advisor Anwar Gargash, who helped negotiate the 2020 Abraham Accords, told POLITICO.

Despite China's growing influence, including its role in brokering Saudi-Iranian normalization, the United States remains the dominant external power in the Middle East. Saudi officials emphasize their desire for a US security guarantee, preferably through a Senate-ratified treaty similar to NATO arrangements.

The focus on economic development and societal modernization has shifted Saudi priorities regarding regional conflicts. While Saudi media covers the Gaza crisis extensively, government directives to religious leaders emphasize prayers for Gaza while moderating criticism of Israel.

This balancing act reflects broader changes in regional dynamics. Diplomats describe the pace of Saudi transformation as "China on steroids," with one noting that "there is this sense that they don't want anything to screw up the good things that are happening in their own country."

The stability of these reforms appears to be holding, with no significant backlash from political Islamists or the emergence of new extremist movements. Government officials report reduced corruption levels under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's leadership, though the country maintains strict controls on political dissent.

Saudi officials dismiss comparisons to smaller Gulf states regarding potential normalization with Israel. "We're not UAE, we're not Morocco, we're not Bahrain," a government source said. "We won't just cut a deal." Some analysts suggest King Salman, while largely deferring to the crown prince on most matters, has insisted on addressing Palestinian concerns in any normalization process.

The kingdom faces several long-term challenges despite its current trajectory. These include managing oil price volatility, which is currently trending downward, and ensuring economic opportunities for its young population. Regional instability, particularly in neighboring Yemen and the evolving situation in Syria, continues to pose security challenges.

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The statement said the 84-year-old monarch is being tested at the King Faisal Specialist Hospital. The brief statement did not provide further details.

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The hospital frequently treats royal family members, including recently those who've contracted the coronavirus. The facility is specialized in transplant surgeries, research and training programs.

King Salman has been in power since January 2015. He is considered the last Saudi monarch of his generation of brothers who have held power since the death of their father and founder of Saudi Arabia, King Abdulaziz.

His health is closely watched by observers because of the absolute powers he holds presiding over one of the world's top producers of oil and one of it's biggest economies.

Salman's reign has been marked by quick, sweeping changes in a country accustomed to slow, gradual reforms. Since coming to power, he's taken the country to war in Yemen, hardened the kingdom's stance toward Shiite rival Iran and severed ties with neighboring Qatar.

He's empowered his 34-year-old son, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, as his successor. The crown prince's assertive and bold style of leadership, as well as his consolidation of power and sidelining of potential rivals, has been controversial.

With the support of his father, Prince Mohammed has transformed the kingdom in recent years, opening it up to tourists and eroding decades of ultraconservative restrictions in the society as he tries to diversify the Saudi economy away from reliance on oil exports. The prince has also detained dozens of activists and critics, overseen the devastating Yemen war as defense minister and rounded up top members of the royal family in his quest for power.

The crown prince has been stalked by suspicion since the brutal slaying of Washington Post columnist and Saudi critic Jamal Khashoggi in late 2018. Khashoggi's killing inside the Saudi Consulate in Istanbul drew international condemnation and cast a shadow over Prince Mohammed – even as the kingdom insisted the crown prince had nothing to do with the killing, which was carried out by officials who worked directly for him.

The Saudi king has not been seen in public in recent months due to social distancing guidelines and concerns over the spread of the coronavirus inside the kingdom, which has one of the largest outbreaks in the Middle East. He has been shown, however, in state-run media images attending virtual meetings with his Cabinet and has held calls with world leaders, including as recently as Saturday with Kuwait's ruling emir.

Iraq's new Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi postponed a planned visit to Saudi Arabia on Monday following news of the king's condition, said Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan. A delegation of Iraqi officials had already arrived to Saudi Arabia in preparation for the visit. This would have been al-Kadhimi's first visit to the kingdom as prime minister.

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King Salman, who oversees Islam's holiest sites in Mecca and Medina, was crown prince under King Abdullah and served as defense minister. For more than 50 years prior to that, he was governor of Riyadh, overseeing its evolution from a barren city to a teeming capital.

On Sunday, Kuwait's 91-year-old ruler underwent a "successful" surgery that required the oil-rich nation's crown prince to be temporarily empowered to serve in his place, its state-run news agency reported. Kuwait has yet to elaborate what required Sheikh Sabah Al Ahmad Al Sabah to seek a previously unannounced medical treatment beginning Saturday.

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The arrests on Friday of the king's younger and beloved brother, Prince Ahmed bin Abdelaziz, and the king's nephew and former counterterrorism czar, Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, came after an accumulation of behavior that was provocative to leadership, one person in Saudi Arabia with knowledge of the arrests said.

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Both princes had served previously in the post of interior minister, overseeing security and surveillance inside the kingdom.

The move came as a surprise, given that Prince Mohammed bin Nayef, 60, was widely known to be under close surveillance since he was shunted out of the line of succession by the king's son in mid-2017, a person close to the royal court said.

The arrest of Prince Ahmed, 78, was also unexpected since he is the king's full younger brother and also a senior member of the ruling Al Saud family.

Prince Ahmed, however, has long held unfavorable views of the 34-year-old crown prince and was one of just a few senior princes to abstain from pledging allegiance to him when the young royal sidelined more senior princes to become first in line to the throne.

The Wall Street Journal first reported the arrests, quoting unidentified sources allied with the royal court as saying the princes were plotting a palace coup that would halt the rise of the crown prince. The Journal has since reported that the sweep broadened to include dozens of Interior Ministry officials, senior army officers and others suspected of supporting a coup attempt.

The two people who talked to The Associated Press declined to characterize actions by the two princes as a coup attempt. They agreed to discuss the highly sensitive matter related to security only if granted anonymity.

One added that the arrests were a message to all those in the royal family feeling disenfranchised to stop grumbling and toe the line, saying that if Prince Ahmed can be arrested, any prince can and will be. Prince Ahmed was seen as a person that royals vexed with the crown prince's grip on power could look to, the person said.

There has been no official comment from Saudi authorities on the arrests.

The crown prince has succeeded in a few short years at sweeping aside any competition from royals older and more experienced than him. He has also overhauled the most powerful security bodies to report to him.

Prince Mohammed bin Nayef is well-known and liked by US intelligence officials for his counterterrorism cooperation in past years against al-Qaida. As head of the interior ministry, he was a feared and towering figure who oversaw the long arm of the government that both prosecuted and closely monitored and jailed dissidents and critics of the kingdom.

After being removed from the role of crown prince and replaced by the king's son, he was stripped of his power and closely monitored.

Prince Ahmed has been seen as critical of the crown prince, including telling protesters who were accosting him in London to ask the king and his son about the humanitarian disaster sparked by the war in Yemen. Religiously conservative, the prince also recently grumbled over the decision to close Islam's holiest site in Mecca to stymie the spread of the new coronavirus, according to one of the people familiar with the arrests.

The arrest of the two senior princes is most likely a preemptive move to manage risks to a transition from King Salman to his son, according to an analysis by Eurasia Group. Both princes were seen as possible alternatives to Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

The reports of a crackdown on senior royals who could pose a threat to the 34-year-old crown prince's ascension to the throne sparked speculation once again about the 84-year-old monarch's health and ability to rule.

A US official said King Salman appeared healthy and lucid in his meeting with US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Feb. 20 in Riyadh. The two discussed the Saudi-led war in Yemen, efforts to counter Iran, the war in Syria and human rights issues.

As recently as Thursday, the king met with British Foreign Secretary Dominic Raab in Riyadh.

The crown prince has succeeded in consolidating power and cementing his place as the day-to-day ruler, in part through far-reaching crackdowns on perceived critics or competitors.

The October 2018 killing of Saudi columnist Jamal Khashoggi by agents close to the crown prince inside the kingdom's consulate in Istanbul, however, damaged the prince's reputation globally.

Foreign investors were also rattled by an anti-corruption operation overseen by the prince in late 2017 that saw top royals, officials and senior businessmen rounded up and detained for up to several months in the luxurious Ritz-Carlton hotel in Riyadh and forced to sign over billions of dollars in assets in exchange for their freedom in secretive agreements.

The crown prince is popular among many in Saudi Arabia for pushing through bold reforms that have transformed life in the kingdom for many, including loosening severe restrictions on women and allowing concerts to be performed and movie theaters to open.

Still, his economic transformation plans have struggled to take off. The kingdom continues to rely heavily on oil for revenue, despite efforts to diversify. Oil prices have plunged amid the disruptions caused by the new coronavirus, signalling trouble for producers like Saudi Arabia. Foreign investors have been rattled by the prince's unpredictability.

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The probe was underway by 2017, when Federal Bureau of Investigation officials were trying to learn whether NSO obtained from American hackers any of the code it needed to infect smartphones, said one person interviewed by the FBI then and again last year.

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NSO said it sells its spy software and technical support exclusively to governments and that those tools are to be used to pursue suspected terrorists and other criminals. NSO has long maintained that its products cannot target US phone numbers, though some cybersecurity experts have disputed that.

The FBI conducted more interviews with technology industry experts after Facebook filed a lawsuit in October accusing NSO itself of exploiting a flaw in Facebook's WhatsApp messaging service to hack 1,400 users, according to two people who spoke with agents or Justice Department officials.

NSO said it was not aware of any inquiry.

"We have not been contacted by any US law enforcement at all about any such matters," NSO said in a statement provided by Mercury Public Affairs strategy firm. NSO did not answer additional questions about its employees' conduct but previously said government customers are the ones who do the hacking.

A spokeswoman for the FBI said the agency "adheres to DOJ's policy of neither confirming nor denying the existence of any investigation, so we wouldn't be able to provide any further comment."

Reuters could not determine which suspected hacking targets are the top concerns for investigators or what phase the probe is in. But the NSO is a focus, and a key issue is how involved it has been in specific hacks, the sources said.

Part of the FBI probe has been aimed at understanding NSO's business operations and the technical assistance it offers customers, according to two sources familiar with the inquiry.

Suppliers of hacking tools could be prosecuted under the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act or the Wiretap Act, if they had enough knowledge of or involvement in improper use, said James Baker, general counsel at the FBI until January 2018.

The CFAA criminalizes unauthorized access to a computer or computer network, and the Wiretap Act prohibits use of a tool to intercept calls, texts or emails.

NSO is known in the cybersecurity world for its "Pegasus" software and other tools that can be delivered in several ways. The software can capture everything on a phone, including the plain text of encrypted messages, and commandeer it to record audio.

A business strategy firm retained on behalf of Amazon Chief Executive Jeff Bezos, FTI Consulting, said this month that NSO could have supplied the software it said Saudi Arabia used to hack Bezos' iPhone.

The phone began sending out more data hours after it received a video from a WhatsApp account associated with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, FTI said. Saudi Arabia called the FTI allegation "absurd," and NSO said it was not involved. Other security experts said the data was inconclusive.

The FBI is investigating and has met with Bezos, a member of his team told Reuters. A Bezos spokesman did not respond to a request for comment.

FBI leaders have indicated that they are taking a hard line on spyware vendors.

At a briefing at FBI Washington headquarters in November, a senior cybersecurity official said that if Americans were being hacked, investigators would not distinguish between criminals and security companies working on behalf of government clients.

"Whether you do that as a company or you do that as an individual, it's an illegal activity," the official said.

In the counterintelligence aspect of the probe, the FBI is trying to learn if any US or allied government officials have been hacked with NSO tools and which nations were behind those attacks, according to a Western official briefed on the investigation.

Outside of government, journalists, human rights activists and dissidents in several countries have been victims of attacks using NSO spyware, according to the University of Toronto's Citizen Lab researchers.

In the past, NSO has denied involvement in some of those instances and declined to discuss others, citing client confidentiality requirements.

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