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Amnon Lord

Amnon Lord is a veteran journalist, film critic, writer, and editor.

Ramallah is unavailable

If there is something that has been made clear in ‎recent months, it is that the Palestinians, in both ‎the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, are not the ‎masters of their own fate but rather pawns wielded ‎by foreign entities such as Iran and the European ‎Union. ‎

It is thus hard to see why the peace ‎plan senior White House adviser Jared Kushner ‎presented to Israel – and seeks to present to the ‎Palestinians – is important. ‎

Kushner, together with U.S. Special Representative ‎for International Negotiations Jason Greenblatt, ‎visited the region this week. The fact that Kushner, ‎who oversees the regional plan, rather than ‎Greenblatt, who oversees talks with the ‎Palestinians, was the dominant figure in this visit ‎reflected an important message: while he met with ‎top officials in Amman, Cairo and Riyadh, a visit to ‎Ramallah is not in the cards. ‎

With the Palestinian Authority's position declining, ‎the U.S.'s Middle East peace plan involves, more ‎than ever before, the other Arab players in the ‎region – Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia. ‎

With regard to the plan itself, Israel enjoys a ‎sympathetic ear to its security demands that, as ‎Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other well-known cabinet hawks have stated, involves the ‎presence of Israeli security forces across Judea, ‎Samaria and the Jordan Valley – at least for now – ‎but without imposing Israeli sovereignty. ‎

As for Jerusalem – that depends on what Israel and ‎the Palestinians consider "Jerusalem," as the ‎Americans do not rule out a Palestinian capital in ‎the city's east.‎

Current talks, however, seem to focus mainly on the ‎crisis in Gaza and it is safe to assume that ‎Israel has a dominant partner in the U.S., which is ‎also determined to extract the burning and bleeding ‎enclave from Iran's grip.‎

Extracting the Gaza card from the Israeli Left's ‎‎grip is a different and more complex story. The crux ‎of the U.S.'s plan for Gaza centers on ‎rehabilitating its political system, which means ‎ridding it of Hamas' rule. The question is, how?‎

It is hard to see such a move transpire without a ‎wide-scale Israeli military campaign in Gaza. There ‎is no telling whether this is inevitable, but Hamas ‎has certainly been supplying Israel with the excuse ‎for an incursion that would put an end to the ‎incessant hostility.‎

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas' ‎‎"Fatahland" is unavailable. This goes beyond its ‎rift with Washington over the relocation of the U.S. ‎Embassy to Jerusalem. This has to do with the ‎provisional nature of Abbas' leadership. ‎

In his anti-Semitic speeches and cussing out of U.S. ‎President Donald Trump and U.S. Ambassador to Israel ‎David Friedman, Abbas has burned all his bridges to ‎Washington. ‎

The Palestinian street is steeped with hatred. Dr. ‎Nasser Laham, editor-in-chief of the Maan news ‎agency, who is closely associated with Abbas, said ‎in a recent interview that the Palestinian leader – an alleged ‎moderate – was, in fact, "more radical than most" ‎and that the Palestinian Authority had "nothing more ‎to discuss with the Jews other than their leaving ‎this land."‎

History, he said, is no stranger to the mass ‎migration of entire peoples. ‎‏

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