When Prime Minister Naftali Bennett meets Russian President Vladimir Putin for the first time in Sochi on Oct. 22, he must break free of some of his American baggage and approach the Russian leader in realpolitik fashion.
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Israel and Russia are about to mark the 30th anniversary of the resumption of bilateral ties. Bennett should mention in his conversation with Putin that the Jewish people have a moral debt to Russia, formerly the Soviet Union, which fought fiercely against the Nazis during World War II. The Red Army liberated many Jews from Nazi death camps. Bennett also should acknowledge that the Soviet Union voted in favor of the establishment of the State of Israel at the United Nations in 1947 – primarily to push Britain out of the region – and that it enabled the transfer of weapons from Czechoslovakia to Israel during Israel's 1948 War of Independence.
This sympathetic stance towards Israel was replaced by a distinctly pro-Arab orientation in the 1950s. The Soviet Union became supplied arms to most Arab countries and trained their armies, seeking influence in the Middle East at the expense of Western powers. In the wake of the 1967 Six-Day War, the Soviet Union led most Eastern bloc countries to sever diplomatic ties with Israel and consistently voted against Israel in all international institutions. It was only after the end of the Cold War that Russia re-established diplomatic relations with Israel and posted an ambassador in Tel Aviv.
Today's Russia is no longer the superpower that was the Soviet Union, but it still is a very important country. It has a large nuclear arsenal and does not hesitate to use force in foreign affairs, for example, to occupy Crimea. Moreover, it has a significant presence in the Middle East, a region that Russia views as its backyard.
Today, Russia sells arms to Egypt, Iran, Turkey, and several other Arab states. Egypt has purchased two Russian nuclear power reactors, which makes Egypt dependent on Russian nuclear fuel for several decades. In Syria, Russia's air force is fighting to preserve President Bashar Assad's regime and prove that, unlike the US, Russia does not abandon its allies. Assad has rewarded Moscow by providing Russia with a naval base in Tartus and an airbase in Khmeimim. In general, Russia seeks to maintain good relations with all parties in the Middle East, including Iran, Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Hamas, Turkey, and Iraq.
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Putin sees Israel as a strong country with impressive military capabilities that is willing to use force in pursuit of its interests. He also acknowledges that Israel is a key US ally in the region and even views Jerusalem as a potential tool for influence over the United States, as demonstrated by a tripartite meeting of national security advisers from the three countries, held in Israel in June 2019. The three senior officials discussed regional as well as bilateral and trilateral matters, another sign of Russia's desire to be considered a major power on par with the United States.
Unlike some of his compatriots, Putin has a positive attitude toward Jews, reportedly due to childhood experiences. Moreover, he regards the many Russian Jews in Israel as a Russian diaspora to be cultivated. Israel is the only Middle Eastern country where the Russian language and culture are vibrant.
In their first meeting, it is safe to assume Putin will seek to assess Bennett, in particular in comparison to his predecessor Benjamin Netanyahu, with whom the Russian leader had a good working relationship. Filling Netanyahu's shoes won't be easy, but Bennett has probably learned a few things from working alongside Israel's longest-serving prime minister.
Bennett would be wise to break free of some of his informal mannerisms and adopt realpolitik language in his conversation with Putin instead. This is the language Putin understands well and is comfortable with. An attempt to speak in American liberal clichés is doomed to failure.
Where Israeli and Russian interests truly coincide though is in Syria. Moscow wants to preserve the Assad regime. Russia understands that Israel has the power to rock the boat and undermine Assad's rule. Therefore, Russia has good reason to be sensitive to Israel's concerns about Iranian entrenchment in Syria. Like Israel, Moscow is opposed to a strong Iranian influence in Damascus. This explains why, until now, Russia has allowed Israel to strike at Iranian targets in Syria. It is important that Bennett renew this quiet understanding.
Nevertheless, Israel-Russia understandings on the Iranian nuclear issue should not be expected. Russia sees a strong Iran as a useful factor that weakens the regional status of the United States, which is Russia's main rival in the international arena.
Featured on JNS.org, this article was first published by The Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security.
