Most Israelis don't know who they are, but the movements they lead are sparking social and political controversy in Israel, one of which is under way now. President of the Union for Reform Judaism, Rabbi Rick Jacobs, and CEO of the United Synagogue of Conservative Judaism Rabbi Jacob Blumenthal, arrived in Israel this week as part of efforts to relaunch an initiative to implement mixed-gender prayer at the Western Wall.
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After the framework plan was approved by the government in 2016 and then shelved in 2017 due to pushback from the Haredi parties, the Reform and Conservative movements are refusing to accept the "family plaza," which was opened in 2013 by then-Diaspora Affairs Minister Naftali Bennett, now prime minister. Bennett explained at the time that the plaza was separate and hidden from the main Western Wall prayer area. Now, the Reform and Conservative movements want to expand it and attach it to the main prayer area as a place for egalitarian, mixed-gender prayer.
After a meeting this week in which they asked Bennett to bring back the plan, as well as meetings with other ministers and MKs from both ends of the political spectrum, the leaders of the non-Orthodox streams are preparing for prayers at the Western Wall to mark the new Hebrew month, and given the opposition from the Haredim, no one will be surprised if it results in clashes.
"We aren't responsible for the violence," Jacobs tells Israel Hayom. "If people come to the Western Wall in hatred and violence, it's not us. As far as we're concerned, we're coming to pray for peace for the Ukrainians, and on a day like this we need to connect both sides – not separate them. As the people who confront us why they act violently. In the past, I've been beaten at the Western Wall. I've been spit on, they've torn my clothes. We aren't doing anything to anyone. Someone from the Haredi community needs to stand up and take responsibility. People need to understand that words have meaning. In 1997, a few weeks after a community rabbi in Mevasseret Zion said we were like suicide bombers, someone threw a Molotov cocktail at one of our kindergartens. This extremism has to stop."
Blumenthal agrees: "They found a compromise that will allow for an egalitarian prayer area, and I find it hard to understand why different areas can't be allotted to different views in Judaism. All we want is to come pray at the Wall. We aren't protesting any approach, we don't want to bother anyone, just to pray."
Q: But you can't ignore that your presence at the Western Wall is seen as an attempt to force your position through demonstrations before the political channels have come to an end. Last November, MK Gilad Kariv complied with a request from President Isaac Herzog not to come to rosh hodesh prayers at the Western Wall, and things were relatively quiet.
Jacobs: "When the president made that request of Kariv, we were promised that alongside the calm there would be progress on the egalitarian prayer plan, behind the scenes. Months later, it turned out that didn't happen. It's time for us to do what we want publicly, in the hope that in the future, prayers like these will take place all the time, not only on rosh hodesh.
Q: You met with Prime Minister Bennett after six years of no contact with his predecessor, Benjamin Netanyahu.
Blumenthal: "Prime Minister Bennett was the architect of the plan in its original form, and built the current [family] area at the Wall. Now he should take the next step. "This is an opportunity for him not only as the leader of Israel, but also of world Jewry, to send the message that everyone has a home at the holiest site for the Jewish people. It would be very disappointing if he doesn't."
Jacobs: "The fact that this government is hesitating is very disturbing. The Western Wall prayer plan has support all over the world, and in Israel, too. Actually, it's also good for the Haredim, most of whom don't understand the details of it. If the plan is fully implemented, Women of the Wall have promised not to pray in the women's section [of the main prayer plaza], and there will be an end to that saga. When the plan was shelved, it tore a hole in the trust of Diaspora Jewry, and now we hope to heal that rift. At first, we were told that the state budget had to be passed, then they said that we needed to wait some more, so we waited. But now it's time to do something."
They describe their meeting with Bennett as heartfelt. "It was amazing to talk with the prime minister and see that he understands our concerns. We understand that it will take time, but believe there will be progress. We believe that this government encourages the different voices in Israel and the Jewish world," says Blumenthal.
Jacobs confirms: "We told him we believed there would be effective steps taken on the ground, and he agreed."
Q: The Western Wall isn't just a religious site, it's a national symbol. Any change there is seen as a challenge, and it's no wonder Israelis are angry. Why is it so important to you to fight about something so dear to many Israelis?
Blumenthal: The Western Wall doesn't belong to a single sector, but to the entire Jewish world, and if the Wall belongs to the entire Jewish people – we also deserve a place there, and can pray any way we want to. This is the holiest place to the Jewish people. The Jewish people deserves a place of respect that allows people to pray together, so a grandmother doesn't have to peek over a barrier to see her grandson read from the Torah."
Rabbi Reuven Richard "Rick" Jacobs, 66, married and a father of three, joined a local synagogue in Los Angeles as a child and studied at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, among other institutions. In 2011 he was elected president of the Reform Movement, which represents some 900 congregations in the US and Canada. There are 53 active Reform congregations in Israel.
Rabbi Jacob Blumenthal, 56, a married father of two, was ordained as a Conservative rabbi in 1999, and completed part of his studies in Israel. In 2019 he was appointed president of the Conservative movement in North America, which comprises some 560 congregations in the US, Canada, and Mexico. There are about 70 Conservative congregations in Israel.
While the Reform and Conservative movements are small in Israel, in North America, over two million people affiliate with their congregations, and about three million people identify and participate in their programs – much more than the Orthodox streams of Judaism.
The two movements are also at a watershed moment in the US. More and more Jews are assimilating and drawing away from the religion, even in its liberal representations. Recently, JTA reported that one in seven Conservative synagogues is looking for a rabbi for next year, and the Reform movement is in trouble, too. Some worry that there is no one in the young generation to replace the older rabbis who are retiring, but Blumenthal is optimistic: "The new communities need more rabbis. There is a need for more rabbis on campuses. This testifies to success," he says.
But the Reform movement is easing the definition of who is considered Jewish. In a 2017 poll, 84% of Reform rabbis surveyed said they would agree to conduct weddings for mixed couples. "Studies prove that Judaism is appealing to a lot of people," says Jacobs. "And they see our tradition as a wonderful way to raise a family and promote values like justice and Shabbat. Judaism is very popular because of our way – a beautiful way to live a life of meaning. We are opening our arms to embrace people rather than pushing them out."
Blumenthal: "It's hard for people in Israel to understand it, because there's a Jewish majority here. But in other places, we're a small minority. People meet different partners, and we have a choice – to push them out or embrace them. When we open our arms to embrace them, we see the next generation of Judaism."
Q: But at what cost? In the US there is already discussion about whether to accept the uncircumcised. Have things gone that far?
Jacobs: "We are committed to circumcision and train mohels, including surgeons, so that people can undergo the procedure. However, we also accept people to our community who have not been circumcised."
Blumenthal: "As a movement committed to Jewish law, circumcision is a very important commandment, but we start with people where they are, and don't push them away from Judaism because of one commandment or another. They see the values – so they accept the commandment."
Apart from the issue of the Western Wall, the non-Orthodox streams are also waging a battle over conversion. The reform to Israel's government conversion process, approved last week by the Ministerial Committee on Legislation, is limited to Orthodox conversion, but includes a clause that states that it does not affect non-Orthodox conversions. This is first time that non-Orthodox conversion has been recognized in Israeli law, in accordance with a High Court ruling from March 2021 that Reform or Conservative conversions of immigrants to Israel must be recognized. The non-Orthodox movements are not resting with the High Court ruling and want their conversions to receive full recognition and rights in Israel. They say the government discriminates against them and argue, among other things, that the Interior Ministry ignores the High Court ruling and makes it difficult for Reform and Conservative converts to make aliyah.
Q: The conversion reforms make it clear that the status of Reform and Conservative conversion won't be challenged. You've managed to get your foot in the door.
Blumenthal: "I respect the right of Orthodox communities to decide who is Jewish within their own congregations, but how can there be just one way for the state of Israel to decide who is a Jew? The state should embrace everyone, including people who converted according to our standards. A person who was Jewish all his life, who converted under a Reform or Conservative rabbi, comes to Israel and is told he's not Jewish. The Supreme Court ruled that our conversion has to be accepted, but the Interior Ministry is dragging its feet. The basketball player Jared Armstrong was raised in a Jewish home, but when he came to play basketball in Haifa and wanted to stay here as a citizen was told he wasn't really Jewish, even though he'd lived as a Jew all his life. We feel like second-class citizens. We can't conduct conversions, marriages, funerals. Our rabbis aren't on the government payroll, unlike [Orthodox] synagogues and yeshivas, which get hundreds of millions. Not a single shekel is allocated for our mikvehs and synagogues."
Jacobs: "There are hundreds of thousands [of Israelis] who came from the former Soviet Union, and now many from Ukraine will join them, and they aren't Jewish according to Jewish law. They want to feel like they belong and joined our conversion program. This is an opportunity to bring us more Jews. The goal of the state of Israel was to redeem all the Jews in the world, not only the Orthodox."
Q: Your critics say you are interfering in something that isn't your business. You come from the US and try to tell us how to behave and handle religion and state in Israel.
"The Conservative movement was the first to adopt Zionism, and we have always been very connected to Israel, unconditionally and regardless of the government. It's part of the strong alliance that unites us," Blumenthal says.
"I love the Israeli people, but worry that the state of Israel is heading in the wrong direction. Sometimes you need to make a symbolic change, and that's what the Western Wall represents. I see that Israel is becoming more extremist and less pluralistic. We'll always defend Israel, but I am concerned that the distance between it and the Diaspora will grow bigger," he adds.
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Jacobs agrees: "I love every Jews, even the ones who express great hatred for me and my Judaism. The key to Jewish survival is different expressions of Judaism – the Hassidim and the misnagdim, Mizrahi and Ashkenazi, Beit Hillel and Beit Shamai. It would be a shame if we were to give that up in the 21st century."
Q: A major debate in recent years is about Israel's identity – more Jewish vs. more democratic. Where do you stand?
Blumenthal: "I believe that Israel should strengthen its democratic character, and in doing that, vary its Jewishness. The more Judaism turns toward the center and less to the radical fringes, the stronger democracy will be."
Jacobs: "I don't recognize a Jewish state that is not democratic, because a Jewish state has democratic values. If Israel is only a democracy, I'll be very sad, and if it is only Jewish, what political system would it have? Fascism? The things go together."
Q: To many Israelis, it seems that you don't just represent a theological dispute, but are intervening in the political rift in Israel.
Blumenthal: "Outside Israel, religion is often more separate from state, but in Israel, politics and the government are closely tied to Jewish life – marriage, divorce, Shabbat, holidays. That's the deal Ben-Gurion made with the small Haredi community in Israel when the state was founded. In each generation, that balance has to be recreated."
Jacobs: "We don't need to throw ourselves into political activity, but it's a way of expressing our commitment. In the US, there are also congresspeople who are committed to our path and I don't think that the movement here is more political. The idea that if you belong to a synagogue, your work is only political is wrong. Look at the Haredim – they believe they are leading the way of the Torah. I don't necessarily agree with them, but it's not unacceptable for them to bring their values to the Knesset."
Q: It looks as if you're aligning with one side of the public debate, sometimes in a contrarian manner. Only recently, you demanded that radio host Irit Linur be fired after she claimed [your movements] were irrelevant because you haven't established yourselves in Israel.
Jacobs: "One can express dislike and disagreement, but hatred of Reform [Jews] is being normalized, and people encourage it. It's not fair to blame the victim for being too tough."
Blumenthal backs him up: "We were very offended by her remarks. They reflected the radical approach that is often seen as legitimate public behavior in Israel. Our goal is to work against the extremist voices. Sometimes you need to defend yourself."
Q: But you can't say there's not some truth to what she said. The Reform and Conservative community in Israel isn't big, 53 Reform congregations vs. tens of thousands of Orthodox synagogues.
"According to several surveys, there are hundreds of thousands of Israelis who support our opinions when asked what kind of Judaism is closest to their hearts," says Jacobs.
"Almost 15% of Israelis support the Conservative and Reform movements. You also need to remember that in Israel, there is a religious monopoly and a government that spends millions to fund Orthodoxy. The government is against us and we are still growing. If the government would be fair and give us equal help with education for our community's children, people would join us. We are swimming against the stream of Orthodoxy, and still flourishing. Why should someone pay money to join a Reform congregation when they can join an Orthodox synagogue at the government's expense? If the budget were equal, support would grow," he says.
Blumenthal: "We've faced discrimination for over 70 years. If we had funds, hundreds of thousands more people would find a communal life with us. It would be appropriate for the government to fund us along with the Orthodox and the Haredim."
Meanwhile, for years American Jewry has been identified with the Democratic side of the political map, but in the past few years a split has been taking place. The liberal movements are identified with the Democrats, whereas the Orthodox identify with the Republicans. All this has ramifications for Israel.
"For decades, there was uncompromising, bilateral support, but that weakened a lot during Trump's time in office, when it was said that if you're not a Republican, you can't support Israel," Jacobs says. "It's one of the things that has been most destructive to the relations between our countries, and the communities, as well," he adds.
Blumenthal: "When there is extremism, from the Right or the Left, it's never good, and it bolsters antisemitism. Social media encourages extremism and it's dangerous for democracy, and for Jews. We need bold leadership to fight it and create pluralism."
Q: But you can't ignore that even within the Democratic party there are individuals who verge on antisemitic, like the "Squad" – Rep. Ilhan Omar and her friends.
"These are four representatives out of 400. The Democrats are very pro-Israel, even though there are a few extremists among them. On the other side, there are Republicans who use Holocaust denial to fight COVID vaccines," Jacobs says.
"There are extremists everywhere but to paint the entire Democratic party as extremist is to miss the story. In the current Knesset, there are very radical people – do you want the entire Knesset to be identified by those few people?"
Q: Still there is growing support for BDS among some US Jewry. In a poll published last week, 16% of young Jews have said they support the boycott movement.
Jacobs: "True, there are some, but part of them don't understand what BDS is. They object to some of what Israel does, but even they need to understand that you don't throw away everything. We do a lot of work with these people, show them the truth. The beauty of Israel."
Blumenthal: "Events like the Ben&Jerry's boycott are a distraction, just something that creates headlines. The best response to BDS is to talk more about Israel, bring more people here. Let them fall in love with Israel like we love it – the people, the land. You need to show them how successful Israel is. The Ukraine war proves how important Israel is, that it's a home. There is no replacement for that. We need to tell the story of Israel all the time, to recall the history that the young generation doesn't remember, and be honest about the challenges Israel faces."
Q: What a lot of Israelis have concluded from the war in Ukraine is that we have no one to depend on if Iran, for example, attacks. The US won't necessarily come to our aid.
"The cooperation between the US and Israel is strong and unbreakable, even though it has been challenged in the past few years. I wouldn't look at the situation in Ukraine as an example of weakness. We aren't talking about a break, and we can depend on that relationship," Jacobs says.
Blumenthal: "Zionism's approach was always to defend itself and not ask anyone to defend it. However, in today's world we depend on each other, and the only way to deal with the situation is to strengthen bilateral relations, so we are able to come to each other's aid."
