According to the official, Tehran faces only difficult choices because it risks a harsh Israeli counterattack and simply cannot absorb more military losses like those sustained during the 12-Day War. The official noted that despite this restraint, some voices within Iran still believe a response to Israel's actions is necessary, perhaps executed by the Houthis or through a terrorist attack targeting Jewish or Israeli interests in Europe or Latin America.

This cautious assessment stands in contrast to the combative statements coming from Tehran, even before the death of Hezbollah Chief of Staff Haytham 'Ali Tabataba'i, and earlier reports that Iran had largely replenished the surface-to-surface missile stockpile lost during Operation Rising Lion. For example, a report in The New York Times disclosed that Iran is enhancing its air defense network and planning for a massive launch capability of up to 2,000 simultaneous missiles should another conflict erupt. The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps previously published a statement declaring, "The Axis of Resistance and Hezbollah have the right to respond at the appropriate time, and it will be a painful blow".

Esmaeil Baghaei, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman, stated that Israel's behavior is worsening regional security and will result in serious consequences. Though Iran is working to rebuild its air defense capabilities – which were nearly destroyed in the war – and reportedly received aid from China, Israeli estimates suggest this will not significantly challenge Israel's absolute control of Iranian airspace.

The critical decision regarding a Hezbollah response rests with the ayatollahs in Tehran, not Beirut. Hezbollah's standing has suffered significantly following the losses incurred during the pager operation and the elimination of its leadership, including Hassan Nasrallah, who ranks second only to Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Iran's hesitation is driven by multiple factors : First, since Israel delivered severe blows to Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran itself, another conflict of that magnitude is unacceptable. Second, the international environment, marked by full US support and partial European support for Israel, eliminates the possibility of helpful diplomatic maneuvers. Third, Iran is experiencing a particularly dire economic and infrastructural crisis, characterized by rampant inflation, currency collapse, a severe fuel shortage, frequent power outages, and a water crisis. In fact, the severity of the water crisis led President Masoud Pezeshkian to propose evacuating Tehran and relocating to a temporary capital.

Tehran is currently in its sixth consecutive drought year and recorded its driest autumn of the century, reporting "zero drops of rain". After the first 55 days of the current water year, water reserves had hit a 60-year low.

Contacted via social media, S., a Tehran resident, described having running water for only a few hours each day, dangerously poor water quality causing widespread diseases and infections, and mineral water sold at exorbitant prices in stores and markets. The resident added that while authorities have discussed bringing in water tankers from the north, no substantial action has been taken.

Northern Iran is simultaneously battling a major ecological catastrophe – a fire that has been burning for weeks in the Hyrcanian Forests, a "World Heritage Site" and the world's oldest living ecosystem. Iranian forestry experts are placing blame on the government, alleging negligence and intentional, malicious damage to the forest lands. The fire has resulted in large clouds of smoke, ash, and soot, which are causing severe air pollution.

This compounding crisis has given rise to the idea of Iran's "quiet disintegration" as a functional state. Sogand Fakheri, an Iran Desk analyst at the Jerusalem Center for Security and Foreign Affairs, said that "quiet disintegration" is a concept frequently discussed in Iranian domestic media.

"However, it seems the disintegration is not quiet, the government is not functioning, and the repeated focus on war propaganda and the 12-Day War either ignores or at least belittles the situation in the country," she elaborated, adding, "The fires and the funds being wasted in the wrong places also hurt the citizens' standard of living and even put them in real danger." As economic, social, and environmental hardships continue to mount, internal reports of local distress and protests surface from Iran, but these are often suppressed from the wider public due to media censorship and restrictions. This raises the question of whether the institutional and social decay is happening "quietly" because it is not being fully expressed – or because parts of the system are struggling to recognize it in real-time.

Sagiv Asulin, a senior researcher at the JCFA and an Iran expert, accounted for the contrast between the aggressive rhetoric and Iran's domestic paralysis : "The Iranians are the world champions in word games, negotiation, and haggling in the Middle Eastern and global bazaar, so there is a big difference between what they say and what will materialize. They are willing to warm the atmosphere with belligerent statements, but in their current condition, they might play a game on the edge, but nothing beyond that, and therefore the answer to the question of whether they will initiate an actual attack – is almost certainly no".

Asulin confirmed that Iran is working hard to rebuild its air defense and missile stockpiles because missiles are the most effective weapons they have, especially since the nuclear project was severely damaged. The researcher added that Iran recognizes this as Israel's soft underbelly and plans to reinforce it for the next conflict.

Ultimately, both Asulin and the senior official agree that Iran intends to delay the next conflict for as long as possible to allow itself time to recover, wait for more favorable conditions, and improve its readiness.

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This week, that red line may face its biggest test in decades, with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's planned visit to Washington and the expected US approval for the F-35 deal to the kingdom.

The Americans have always viewed the Saudis as an important strategic partner, but the idea of supplying the stealth fighter – the only fifth-generation jet operated by any country in the Middle East (Israel) – was seen until recently as a line best not crossed. The reason is simple: the F-35 is no longer just a fighter jet. It is an intelligence, strike, and electronic platform that enables penetration into spaces that were previously impassable, and it is a source of security, diplomatic, and strategic power not only in the local arena but also in the broader regional balance of power.

The stealth fighter entered Israeli Air Force service as a result of a long, complex, and sometimes politically sensitive process. Although the F-35 was born as a large-scale international project led by the United States called JSF – Joint Strike Fighter, Israel was not included in the first group of countries that participated in it.

The main reason was that the Americans carefully examined the combination of industrial partnership and security sensitivity: Israel was not a producer in NATO frameworks, and it was known as a country that makes deep modifications to almost every air platform it acquires. From Washington's perspective, there was a need to carefully examine whether Israel's modification requirements would not endanger particularly sensitive technological components. Only at a later stage, after a prolonged process of secret coordinations and technological protection mechanisms, did Israel join as a special procurement partner and not as a full member in the JSF coalition.

The US president who essentially approved the sale of the stealth fighters to Israel was George W. Bush. His administration made the principled decision to allow Israel to acquire a fifth-generation jet, out of the understanding that the rise in regional threats – including Iran – requires Israel to have a significant qualitative advantage. The actual agreement was signed during the Obama administration, which continued this policy and gave the green light to the first order. Israel was indeed outside the circle of countries that contributed to the development of the tool, but it became the first customer in the world to receive Washington's approval for deep Israeli modifications in the avionics systems, electronic warfare, and connectivity.

The first Adir landed in Israel on December 12, 2016, at Nevatim Airbase, in a ceremony that made clearer than anything the significance of this acquisition for Israel. For the first time, the Air Force received a jet capable of entering almost any point in the Middle East with little warning, generating independent intelligence, and carrying out precise strikes with a level of survivability higher than that of any other tool. It gave Israel an advantage that is not only technological but also conceptual: the Air Force moved from an era where it had to "break into" enemy airspace to an era where it can operate within it with relative ease.

Since 2016, three batches of jets have arrived in Israel. Today, the Israeli Adir fleet numbers about 36 F-35 jets integrated into squadrons at Nevatim. The Israeli government has already approved the purchase of another 25 jets, which will bring the operational strength to more than 60 jets. There are also discussions about further expansion later this decade, among other things to ensure a response to new threats and the replacement of some of the veteran fourth-generation jets.

The combination of operational flexibility, stealth capability, unique Israeli electronic warfare modifications, and natural integration into national control systems created a new reality: the stealth fighter is no longer just a component in the Air Force but an overlay layer that gives Israel freedom of action that no one in the arena holds, and continues to shape Israeli combat doctrine even today.

In Israel, especially after Operation Rising Lion, the significance of this process is even clearer. In the campaign that lasted 12 days and spanned thousands of kilometers, the F-35 was the tool that changed the rules of the game. It enabled deep penetration into Iranian airspace saturated with radars, missile batteries, and electronic warfare capabilities without the need to open a route through a wave of preliminary strikes. It provided real-time intelligence, sensor fusion that creates a continuous battle picture, and surgical strike capability on targets essential to the nuclear program – and all this while maintaining almost complete stealth. Israeli pilots described how they saw Iran's defense arrays "waking up", if at all, only after the strike had already been completed. That was a moment that illustrated how much this tool changes reality, and how much the Israeli advantage on it is not only tactical but essential.

This is exactly where the Israeli concern lies. If Saudi Arabia indeed joins the select club that holds the American stealth fighter, the implication is not just another advanced jet in the region; it is a change in the basis of the balance of power. Not because Saudi Arabia is an enemy state, today it is seen as a potential strategic partner, but because the qualitative advantage is a resource that must be maintained over time, especially in a region where the balance of alliances can change in a few years, if not months.

Israel needs unique technological depth, one that cannot be closed in two or three years. And if Saudi Arabia is indeed equipped with the stealth fighter, it will be the first time an Arab country receives access to a technological generation equal to that of Israel. In the past, Saudi Arabia requested – and received AWACS and F-15 jets from the US, but Israel managed to impose certain restrictions on the Saudi jets, thereby leaving a technological advantage in its hands.

Supporters of the move argue that Israel holds an advantage of many years over any country that enters the deal now. They point to its extensive operational experience, the unique hardware and software modifications it has made, and the complementary capabilities – intelligence, communications, and logistical capability that other countries are still far from holding. The QME mechanisms (ensuring qualitative edge), they remind, do not erode in one day. But on the other hand, there are those in Israel who warn that these gaps are not a given. Technology is a dynamic matter, and from the moment the door opens, it is hard to return it to full closure.

In this reality, Mohammed bin Salman's visit to Washington becomes a top event. The US president's decision will not approve just a deal – it will define the contours of air supremacy in the Middle East in the coming decade. The fact that in Israel they use examples from Operation Rising Lion to gauge the significance of the stealth fighter only sharpens the tension: Israel knows very well what the F-35 allows it to do. It also knows what will happen the day these capabilities reach its large, wealthy, and ambitious neighbor.

Either way, the discussion is not about Saudi Arabia. It's about Israel, about a longstanding American commitment, and about the question of whether the era of Israeli exclusivity in the stealth domain is about to come to an end – or whether Washington will find a way to preserve the additional edge on which Israeli security policy has relied for three decades.

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Gazan network activist Mahmoud al-Amoudi, who supports Hamas, reacted to the victory, "Considering the city, the candidate, the slogans and issues he promoted, which until recently could have ended his political life or brought his life to an end – despite this, he won. The meaning is that we moved from the stage of slogans and solidarity to the stage of practical influence and change. When Netanyahu said they would change the face of the Middle East he was right, despite being a liar. Accordingly, not only the Middle East, but the face of the world will now change gradually. But they will bring no change except Gaza. The most important gain is that the narrative from which the occupier feeds has begun to shift in favor of the Palestinians."

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Ofir understands the Saudis perhaps better than any other Israeli. She has facilitated numerous achievements, including bringing Israeli teams to Saudi Arabia's Dakar Rally in 2021, brokering various deals between Israeli and Saudi companies, and becoming the first Israeli to lecture at a public Saudi conference in September 2023, when normalization appeared imminent.

Here is another assessment: Within the coming year, likely before Israel's elections, substantial rapprochement between Israel and Saudi Arabia will occur – perhaps not full Abraham Accords membership, but at minimum a significant political-economic development. A senior US diplomat estimates and assures in conversation with Israel Hayom, "This isn't a matter of gambling [on it happening], it's geopolitics and economic interests – what should have happened long ago will occur shortly."

What drives Saudi interest? Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030 fulfillment integrates closely with business, technological, and security relationships with Israel. The vision incorporates technological development and advancement in which Israel already participates in areas including cyber defense, fintech, and additional sectors.

Furthermore, bin Salman, who favors mega-projects involving enormous monetary figures, strongly identifies with President Donald Trump's mega deal, the grand Middle East plan, and intends to integrate thoroughly into what should transpire here. The project focuses extensively on shortening commercial routes from the East, Indo-China to Europe, and potentially oil and gas pipelines en route. Regarding security, MBS seeks an agreement constituting a defense alliance with the US and through it with Israel, protecting his nation from Iran and its proxies, including the Houthis.

The security dimension was demonstrated conversely through Saudi assistance to Israel during the June war with Iran. As we revealed in our Israel Hayom report, Saudi military helicopters intercepted Iranian drones en route to Israel.

This represents exactly what Iran and its proxies, including Hamas, attempt to prevent. An intelligence-exposed document from Hamas leadership revealed this was one of Hamas' declared objectives in launching the October 7 massacre.

Among Hamas' (and Iran's) declared war objectives was torpedoing Saudi Arabia's Abraham Accords entry and normalization with Israel. This objective was essentially achieved while a Democratic administration unable to handle the situation's complexity.

Long and complicated, yet possible

With Donald Trump's re-entry as the Abraham Accords' architect into the White House, this possibility returned to consideration, though the road remains lengthy and complex. Recently, the American president reiterated hearing willingness and desire from senior Saudis to join the Abraham Accords. Trump characteristically adds, correctly, that Saudi entry will pave the way for additional Arab and Muslim nations.

Throughout 2023, direct contacts occurred between Saudi Arabia and Israel, including conversations between Prime Minister Netanyahu and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. In September, contacts reached near maturation, and Netanyahu's UN General Assembly speech discussing the vision for the developing Middle East and building alliances was broadcast initially on Saudi television.

The war delayed the process, although beneath the surface contacts have been maintained and continue at multiple levels. The Saudis expressed shock at the massacre while, consistent with Middle Eastern Arab society sentiment, sharpened discourse toward Israel during the war, and their political process demands intensified. Trump's plan addresses this and removes obstacles to progress in this direction.

"The United Arab Emirates is Israel's genuine Arab friend, demonstrated during the most difficult time, wartime," a senior Israeli official maintaining contact with the Gulf country for many years tells us.

The official recalls that the sole international companies that continued flights to Israel throughout the war were Emirati ones, and the UAE's sharp condemnation of the October 7 massacre and Hamas generally. The UAE, alongside Saudi Arabia, maintain a firm position against Hamas, arguing that Gaza rehabilitation is impossible while it exists. Nevertheless, they finance numerous aid operations to Gazans, effectively since the war's beginning.

The Emiratis leveraged positive connections in Israel to introduce aid into displaced persons camps, establishing clinics and field hospitals. Now they constitute the dominant state in establishing humanitarian spaces in IDF-controlled territories, including constructing clinic buildings, schools, and electricity, water, and sewage infrastructure. They initiated and funded establishing a water pipeline from the Egyptian side to southern Strip residents.

Like the Saudis, they also perceive the promising business horizon in a peaceful Middle East recovering from wars, the enormous commercial potential for their ports on routes from the East to Europe, and the tremendous advantages of cooperation with Israel. For instance, the Dubai diamond exchange, established merely twenty years ago, became the world's largest with Israeli assistance.

The security dimension against the Iranian and Houthi threat also matters, and the war's end will bring genuine expansion of weapons and military technology agreements with Israel.

An important aspect involving both countries is the Palestinian de-radicalization process. In both nations, such processes occurred in educational systems, media, and cultural and political discourse. Educational programs from both are already implemented in temporary Strip schools, at minimum in IDF-controlled territories.

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Based on foreign reports and Israeli assessments, the raid was likely meant to counter the Syrian army's activity of trying to dismantle the installed Israeli listening devices. Six Syrian soldiers were killed in Israeli strikes on Wednesday in the same area after they attempted to dismantle the IDF's listening posts, according to reports.

Video: The alleged Israeli strikes in Syria on Wednesday August 28, 2025 (Credit: Social media)

In the al-Kiswah region, the Iranians have been active in recent years, establishing weapon and armament depots alongside the weapon depots of the Syrian army's 1st Division. Approximately two years ago, the Israeli Air Force struck Iranian targets in the region.

A pro-Syrian communication network that broadcasts from Turkey reported unusual IDF activity shortly before midnight, lasting for about two hours. The IDF, it said, conducted about 15 strikes in the Tel Manea and al-Kiswah area in the southern Damascus Governorate, where Syrian army headquarters were attacked, presumably to soften the area before IDF helicopters landed troops in the Sweida Governorate and in al-Kiswah.

The strikes by Israeli Air Force aircraft stopped Syrian forces from approaching the site where the listening equipment was located. The Al-Jazeera network also confirmed through its sources that IDF forces had landed in the al-Kiswah area.

According to assessments, the prolonged presence of the commandos on the ground was designed to gather documents and additional findings to better understand Iranian activities and intentions in the region.

Official Israel has not issued a formal response to the operation, but Minister of Defense Israel Katz boasted on the X network Thursday morning with a message that could be interpreted as a hint about the operation, stating, "Our forces are operating in all combat zones day and night for the security of Israel."

The operation is occurring against the backdrop of the continuing collapse of the Syrian regime and Israel's efforts to reinforce its strategic foothold in Syria, while preventing renewed Iranian entrenchment in the region.

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Saudi Arabia possesses a well-equipped air force, based primarily on American-made systems and aircraft. In 2017, during President Donald Trump's first term, an extensive arms deal was signed with Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, and this deal was further expanded during his recent visit to the region.

Saudi Arabia hasn't officially confirmed involvement in the interceptions and even condemned Israel for launching the offensive against Iran. Israel, the United States and European countries demonstrated close operational cooperation, through which Iran's image as a regional threat was damaged.

The political significance is broad – the very fact that a leading Sunni state, perhaps the most central one, is acting in ways that lead to thwarting Iranian threats even without public declaration indicates a deep regional shift. However, Saudi Arabia emphasized it won't allow use of its airspace for striking targets in Iran.

12-day international coalition

During the 12 days of fighting against Iran, several countries acted to defend the region's skies, including Jordan, which operated mainly through its air force in its airspace; Britain and France, which also operated in the aerial arena; and the United States military, which alongside the IDF was the most active – through aircraft, ships, Patriot and THAAD air defense systems and more.

Iran launched over a thousand drones toward Israel. Most were intercepted far from the border, and a minority were shot down by the Israeli Air Force over Israeli skies. This joint operation wouldn't have been possible without years of exercises and simulations with international partners – including Greece, Italy, France and Britain.

At the center of activity stood US Central Command – CENTCOM – commanded by General Mike Kurilla, who's credited with a significant contribution to the cooperation mechanism that operated here. Since the IDF joined CENTCOM, a well-connected military system has been built and developed, including Israel and European countries like Britain, France, Greece, Italy and Cyprus.

Another significant achievement of this framework is establishing a joint American command and control center, connected in real-time to all involved militaries. Kurilla himself sat in this center during many stages of the fighting, leading coordination between intelligence, warning, activation and interception elements.

Years of preparation

In the IDF, the International Planning Division in the Planning Directorate is responsible for managing relations with CENTCOM and other partner countries. International Planning representatives have a role in every command and corps – ensuring continuous contact with counterparts in foreign militaries. The frequency of dialogue with American commanders has risen dramatically in recent years – from ceremonial conversations every six months to daily dialogue, joint exercises, coordinated flights, and even intelligence cooperation.

The chiefs of staff – the recently retired Chief Herzi Halevi and current Chief Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir – have also maintained close relations with senior commanders in the US military. The US serves not only as a bridge between Israel and regional countries but also as a coordinating factor with Arab countries with which there are no direct relations.

This cooperation was tested not only now but also in previous waves of Iranian attacks on Israel in April and October 2024. Then too, the United States and European countries operated in various arenas – some through interception means, others through location and information sharing. Now, during the 12-day campaign, the operation was much broader in scope.

Jordan, unlike others, publicly acknowledged interception operations and even emphasized that drones fell in its territory causing damage – which required a response. France also explained its participation as defending its interests in Jordan, while avoiding public mention of Israel.

The results that received impressive expression in the current war could form a basis for much larger political moves – perhaps even for the comprehensive regional move that President Trump is planning as part of his "mega-deal" for the Middle East.

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Israel Hayom provided comprehensive coverage of these developments in recent days. The critical modification in Israel's position centers on incorporating explicit American guarantees within the agreement's text – ensuring the ceasefire will facilitate negotiations toward the war's complete end.

An additional commitment involves expanding humanitarian assistance to Gaza Strip residents. Trump announced these developments through a late-night post on his "Truth" social media platform, confirming Israel's acceptance of terms enabling a two-month ceasefire agreement. He subsequently directed pressure toward Hamas, stating, "My Representatives had a long and productive meeting with the Israelis today on Gaza. Israel has agreed to the necessary conditions to finalize the 60 Day CEASEFIRE, during which time we will work with all parties to end the War. The Qataris and Egyptians, who have worked very hard to help bring Peace, will deliver this final proposal. I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this Deal, because it will not get better — IT WILL ONLY GET WORSE."

These statements followed Trump's meeting with Minister Ron Dermer, who leads Israel's negotiating team for hostage deal discussions.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is to visit the White House next week, conducted a restricted security consultation Tuesday evening following negotiation progress, with discussions focusing partly on whether to dispatch a negotiating delegation to Cairo.

Egyptian media reported Tuesday that Israeli and Hamas delegations plan to arrive in the capital soon to advance technical negotiations, occurring just days before Netanyahu's scheduled Washington meeting with Trump.

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"A short time ago, in full coordination between myself and President Trump, and in full operational coordination between the Israel Defense Forces and the United States military, the United States attacked Iran's three nuclear facilities – Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan," Netanyahu announced. According to the prime minister, the United States continued "with greater intensity and tremendous force" the IDF and Mossad strikes on Iran's nuclear program.

Netanyahu revealed that immediately after completing the operation, President Trump called him for a "very warm, very moving" conversation. "He blessed me, he blessed our military and he blessed our people. And I blessed him, the United States pilots and the American people," the prime minister recounted.

The prime minister defined the American president as "courageously leading the free world" and "a tremendous friend of Israel, a friend like no other." "In my name and on behalf of all Israeli citizens, on behalf of the entire Jewish people, I thank him from the depths of my heart," Netanyahu added.

Video: Netanyahu's video message in English / Credit: PMO

According to the prime minister, Iran's nuclear program "threatened our very existence and also endangered world peace." He emphasized that Operation Rising Lion achieved "unprecedented accomplishments in Israel's history."

Netanyahu concluded his remarks with the message "We stand together, we fight together, and with God's help – we win together," and quoted from the weekly Torah portion – "Let us go up at once and possess it, for we are well able to overcome it" (Numbers 13:30).

In a separate video message in English, Netanyahu delivered a triumphant and deeply grateful message to US President Donald Trump, hailing the American-led bombing of Iran's nuclear facilities as a "bold decision that will change history."

The address came just hours after initial reports of a massive, targeted military operation against key Iranian nuclear sites, an action Netanyahu attributed directly to the "awesome and righteous might of the United States."

"Congratulations President Trump," Netanyahu began, speaking with clear conviction. "Your bold decision... will change history."

The Israeli leader, who has for decades warned of the existential threat posed by a nuclear-armed Iran, framed the American military strike as a monumental turning point for global security. He praised President Trump's leadership in a way that he said even surpassed Israel's own celebrated covert operations.

"In tonight's action against Iran's nuclear facilities, America has been truly unsurpassed," Netanyahu stated. "It has done what no other country on earth could do."

Throughout the speech, Netanyahu repeatedly justified the strike, casting it as a necessary act to disarm a malevolent force. "History will record that President Trump acted to deny the world's most dangerous regime the world's most dangerous weapons," he declared, his voice rising with emphasis.

The address positioned the dramatic military action as the ultimate fulfillment of the "peace through strength" doctrine, a philosophy Netanyahu noted he and President Trump often discuss.

Video: President Donald Trump announces the strike on Iran on June 22, 2025 / Credit: White House

"First comes strength, then comes peace," he said, before adding, "And tonight, President Trump and the United States acted with a lot of strength."

The prime minister's remarks represent the culmination of years of Israeli lobbying and intelligence-sharing aimed at convincing the world, and particularly the United States, to take decisive action against Tehran's nuclear ambitions. For Netanyahu, the night's events were a profound validation of his long-held stance.

Concluding his address, the Prime Minister offered a sweeping message of thanks that encompassed not only the leaders but the people of both nations and the broader cause of global order.

"President Trump, I thank you. The people of Israel thank you. The forces of civilization thank you," he said. "God bless America, God bless Israel, and may God bless our unshakable alliance, our unbreakable faith."

The speech leaves no doubt about the Israeli government's full-throated support for the U.S. action, positioning the two allies as lockstep partners in what Netanyahu has defined as a pivotal moment in the history of the Middle East.

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Currently, no Israeli casualties have been reported, and the Revolutionary Guards headquarters in Tehran was reported as damaged. Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir announced that "we launched an attack because the time had come, we have reached the point of no return."

If the initial reports prove accurate, the Israeli strike unfolds similarly to the optimistic scenario previously described here – reports of damage to nuclear facilities, with no Israeli casualties reported so far, while exploiting the situation where Iran has difficulties with air defense and its terror forces are weakened. It remains too early to determine the true scope of the operation's success.

A senior Israeli official claimed that three nuclear sites were attacked, with initial assessments speaking of precise strikes. According to reports, long-range missile launch sites, air defense systems, and military airfields were also targeted.

The strike included, according to reports, use of advanced capabilities and not just the Israeli Air Force. Iranian television reported that the Revolutionary Guards headquarters in Tehran was damaged, and the Iranian news agency reported explosions in areas northeast of Tehran. However, the full scope of the damage cannot yet be assessed.

Iran is expected to respond by launching missiles, with secondary assistance from the Houthis in Yemen, but Israel's air defense system – with active assistance from the United States and other regional allies – is prepared to intercept most of the launched missiles. Israel's airspace has been closed to takeoffs and landings, and studies have been canceled throughout the country.

The Home Front Command instructed civilians to stay near protected areas. Do not linger in open areas and beaches. Police forces and municipal enforcement are currently patrolling beaches. If a warning is heard, enter a protected space and wait at least 10 minutes.

The Diplomatic-Security Cabinet convened to approve the operation, and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar is conducting a marathon of calls with his counterparts worldwide. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu clarified that "Iran still has capabilities to harm us – the operation will continue until we repel the threat."

In the shadow of the Iran strike, sounds of gunfire and explosions were heard in Iraq, with authorities declaring closure of airspace. Growing assessments suggest that foreign reports of a second wave of Israeli strikes are occurring.

The attack expresses what was previously defined here as the optimistic scenario – complete damage to nuclear facilities, without Israeli casualties, while exploiting the situation where Iran lacks effective air defense and its terror forces are weakened. Now remains to be seen whether the picture develops as in the outlined scenario – with collapse of the Iranian currency, mass protests, and perhaps even toppling of the regime.

The political reality in the Middle East may change tectonically. Israel could be accepted as victorious and lead a move that ends the war in Gaza, returns the hostages, distances Hamas leaders from the Strip, and brings full normalization with Saudi Arabia and additional countries.

However, one must remember that the Israeli strike constitutes a declaration of open war on Iran. Iran will certainly claim that elimination of its people in Syria and Lebanon and damage to its proxies were the trigger for its response, which was self-defense, and from the moment Israel attacked its nuclear facilities, it had no choice but to defend itself by all means.

The operation that was carried out places Israel before significant challenges – the need to deepen the damage if required, defense against Iranian retaliation, and fortifying the political and domestic fronts. The complete picture of the operation's achievements and consequences will become clear in the coming days.

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Trump disclosed that he has maintained frequent communication with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in recent days. The president emphasized his administration's position that Iran must not acquire nuclear weapons capabilities while leaving the door open for future negotiations.

"Iran cannot have a nuclear bomb and we are hoping to get back to the negotiating table. We will see. There are several people in leadership that will not be coming back," Trump stated during the interview.

The Trump administration informed at least one significant Middle Eastern partner about the impending Israeli operation while clarifying that the US played no operational role in the strikes. Administration officials have confirmed that several senior Iranian officials perished in the Israeli bombardment.

Trump announced plans to convene a National Security Council meeting Friday morning, with the White House confirming the session. The president had previously indicated that an Israeli strike on Iran "could very well happen" while maintaining his preference for peaceful resolution.

US Central Command has elevated its alert status as Trump monitors potential Iranian retaliation, with the president affirming America's readiness to defend both itself and Israel should Iran respond. The administration has recently replenished Israel's Iron Dome missile inventory as tensions escalated.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio emphasized American non-involvement in the strikes, stating that Israel acted independently for self-defense purposes. "We are not involved in strikes against Iran and our top priority is protecting American forces in the region," Rubio declared in an official statement.

"Let me be clear: Iran should not target US interests or personnel," Rubio added.

Iranian armed forces representatives threatened that Israel and the US would face severe consequences for the attack, accusing Washington of providing operational support despite American denials,. An Israeli official informed public broadcaster Kan that coordination with Washington had occurred regarding the Iran operation.

The State Department issued immediate guidance directing all US government personnel in Israel and their families to "shelter in place until further notice." Military planners are preparing for various contingencies across the Middle East, including potential civilian evacuation scenarios, a US official confirmed to Reuters.

Financial markets reacted sharply to the developments, with Asian trading sessions experiencing significant declines led by US futures selloff. Oil prices surged as investors sought refuge in traditional safe-haven assets including gold and the Swiss franc.

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