The criticism came after Australia rejected Rothman's visa application, just one day before his scheduled trip to engage with the Jewish community in Australia. Australian Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke stated, "If you come to us to spread hate and division – we don't want you." Rothman can reapply for a visa after three years.

Israel retaliated by revoking visas for Australian diplomats working with the Palestinian Authority. Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong called the move "an unjustified response," adding, "The Netanyahu government is isolating Israel and undermining international efforts for peace and a two-state solution."

Rothman responded to the visa denial, saying, "These are positions that almost the entire Israeli public holds. The Australian government has chosen to side with Hamas." He urged Australian Jews to immigrate to Israel, asserting they are "in trouble because of their Jewishness."

The diplomatic row escalated after Albanese announced Australia's plan to recognize a Palestinian state next month. Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar defended Israel's visa cancellations, saying, "Instead of addressing the antisemitism raging in Australia today, they are fueling antisemitism by falsely claiming that allowing Israelis entry would cause unrest among the Muslim population."

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"In this brutal summer heat, you don't even have clean, cold water to give your children. Such hypocrisy. Such disdain for the Iranian people. To live like this is not fair to you. It's not fair to your children," Netanyahu attacked the regime.

Video: PM Netanyahu speaks to the Iranians about water / Credit: GPO

Netanyahu, who launched Operation Rising Lion in June to dismantle Iran's nuclear program, contrasted Iran's struggles with Israel's achievements in water management. He proudly declared, "Israel is the #1 recycler of water in the world. We recycle 90% of our waste-water. And we lead the world in desalination." He recalled launching a Telegram channel in Farsi nearly a decade ago to share water management techniques, which attracted 100,000 Iranians almost immediately. This, he said, reflects both Iran's thirst for water and its people's yearning for freedom.

Netanyahu painted a vivid picture of a revitalized Iran, free from tyranny. He invited Iranians to imagine water skiing on the Karaj Dam, strolling along a restored Farahzad river, and seeing lush trees in Niavaran and Darband. He also spoke of reviving Urmia lake, a once-stunning natural wonder in northwest Iran. These visions, he argued, are achievable with Israel's expertise, which would be shared the moment Iran achieves freedom. "The moment your country is free, Israel's top water experts will flood into every Iranian city bringing cutting-edge technology and know-how." He added, "Well, all of this is not a dream. This can be your reality. But instead of making this a reality, your dictators impose tyranny and poverty upon you - just as they impose war on us," Netanyahu lamented. "For 46 years, you have been denied the most basic human rights. The right to express yourselves freely. To write, speak and sing whatever you please."

Netanyahu condemned Iran's regime for prioritizing foreign conflicts over domestic needs. Netanyahu asserted that Tehran's leaders have squandered hundreds of billions of dollars on groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, neglecting hospitals, schools, and infrastructure. He decried the regime's repression, holding up books by Iranian dissidents forced to publish abroad as evidence of stifled voices. "You, the descendants of Cyrus the Great, deserve much more," he said.

In a call to action, Netanyahu urged Iranians to take to the streets, demand justice, and protest tyranny. He assured them of global support, stating, "I stand with you. Israel stands with you. The entire free world stands with you."

"Take to the streets. Demand justice. Demand accountability. Protest tyranny. Build a better future for your families and for all Iranians. Do not let these fanatic mullahs ruin your lives for a minute longer," Netanyahu said.

PM Netanyahu to the people of Iran:
As our founding father, Theodor Herzl, said of the Jewish state, "If you will it, it is no dream"

And I say to you, "if you will it, a free Iran is no dream."
Now is the time for action.
Now is the time to fight for freedom.

Iran Baraye Irani pic.twitter.com/0piWqVO8EJ

— Prime Minister of Israel (@IsraeliPM) August 12, 2025

He further made a prediction that the "cruel, callous, and cowardly" regime in Tehran will not last long, promising a future where Iran's economy thrives, water flows abundantly, and children live joyously. Quoting Theodor Herzl, he concluded, "If you will it, it is no dream," adapting the phrase to inspire Iranians: "Iran Baraye Irani" – Iran for Iranians.

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"We must continue to stand together and fight together to achieve the war objectives we set – all of them – defeating the enemy, freeing our hostages and ensuring that Gaza will no longer pose a threat to Israel," Netanyahu said in a statement.

In the statement, he did not specify when the cabinet meeting would be held. "1,955 years ago, at the end of Tisha B'Av, we suffered the greatest defeat in our history, which changed the face of Jewish history," Netanyahu said. "Then we were divided, separated, fighting each other. Today, at the end of Tisha B'Av, we are in the midst of a tremendous war, in which we have achieved very great, historic achievements, because we were not divided, because we stood together and fought together... Later this week I will convene the cabinet to instruct the IDF how to achieve these three objectives – all of them, without exception."

Sources close to the matter told Israel Hayom earlier this week that a rift has emerged between Israel's political and military leadership over how to proceed. While IDF officials, including IDF Chief of Staff Eyal Zamir, support encircling Hamas controlled areas until the terrorist organization surrenders, hardline ministers such as Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich are calling for a full-scale reoccupation of the Gaza Strip, even in areas where hostages are believed to be held.

The Prime Minister's Office believes that Hamas' steadfast refusal to compromise stems from two primary factors: increasing Iranian influence and the perceived success of its starvation campaign, designed to apply international pressure on Israel. In response, Netanyahu is reportedly pushing for a combined military solution aimed at defeating Hamas while enabling humanitarian aid to enter areas outside combat zones and, wherever possible, areas not under Hamas control.

In recent days, with the talks with Hamas over a hostage deal collapsing, cabinet ministers have been indicating that the moment of decision over whether to seize full control of Gaza may be approaching. This comes amid a growing sense that a hostage deal is slipping further out of reach, despite continued efforts to secure the release of as many hostages as possible. According to officials, Hamas' increasingly hardline positions are pushing Israel closer to implementing a full-scale war plan for the Gaza Strip.

Following Hamas' hardened stance this past week, emboldened by European recognition of a Palestinian state and the overwhelming success of its starvation campaign, Jerusalem has signaled that a partial deal is off the table.

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Nearly two years have passed with them deteriorating in Hamas tunnels. Nearly two years have passed with an entire nation trapped in trauma. Nearly two years have passed without anyone in the government conducting discussions about "the day after," resembling someone fleeing from devastating news, while increasing numbers of families receive the most devastating news possible.

The moment has arrived for a courageous decision that will bring back all hostages in a single operation, terminate the war and end bloodshed on both sides. Hamas deserves no reward for the horrific October 7 assault, but what remained unaccomplished during two years of warfare will not be remedied through additional months of stagnation and casualties. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly declares Israel represents the region's strongest power, so what exactly does he fear?

His fear does not stem from possibilities that Israel might be compelled to return and fight again. The military possesses that capability. Netanyahu fears his government's collapse. Threats from his ministers Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich that stopping the war would dissolve the Knesset Coalition frighten Netanyahu more than global escalation against us. This includes possibilities that during his visit to the UN General Assembly's annual conference, a resolution might pass recognizing a Palestinian state. The individual who spent years preventing Palestinian state establishment has prepared the foundation for that silver platter and will now impose it upon us under disadvantageous and uncontrolled circumstances.

Decades of bloodshed

Opponents of reaching a Gaza agreement argue it will produce future murderous attacks on our communities. According to their claims, October 7 resulted from the 2005 Gaza Disengagement. That 2005 unilateral withdrawal elevated Hamas to power and strengthened it through dollars flowing to it with Israeli consent and encouragement.

This week marks 20 years since the disengagement. Numerous assessments mostly suffered from excessive nostalgia. Perhaps through forgetfulness, they avoided tallying Gush Katif settlement casualties, which began in 1973 and concluded in 2005. Sixteen Jewish communities, 8,600 settlers plus 600 additional Bedouins. Some 5,904 mortar shells and Qassam rockets were launched, primarily from Khan Younis, targeting Gush Katif. The Kisufim corridor, serving as the sole entry and exit route for the Gush, transformed into a blood-soaked highway, particularly following the First Intifada and intensifying during the second one. 282 Israeli civilians were murdered there while dozens of soldiers perished. Among images permanently seared into collective memory, soldiers appear crawling along the Philadelphi Corridor, searching for human remains of comrades killed in an armored personnel carrier by roadside explosives.

On July 23, 2005, following Sabbath spent with family members in Ganei Tal, my friends Rachel and Dov'le Kol departed the Gush. Due to shooting in the corridor vicinity, access was blocked. When the attackers remained unfound, they reopened the corridor. Ten vehicles at a time. Dov'le and Rachel, Jerusalem residents parenting three children, stood no chance when gunfire opened toward them. They died instantly. The Gush's final victims. Two weeks later, Disengagement commenced.

Today, Tisha B'Av 5785, this must be stated – enough casualties. Bring Rom, Evyatar and their companions home. The time has arrived.

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This message has echoed through Netanyahu's recent engagements across Israel's security establishment, from IDF general staff headquarters to the Shin Bet, from the Police College to Fire and Rescue headquarters, and in meetings with Magen David Adom personnel. The prime minister is systematically preparing for what could prove his most consequential diplomatic mission since returning to office.

Netanyahu's upcoming Washington visit – his fourth since reclaiming the premiership – represents a dramatic departure from typical diplomatic expectations. Rather than tempering hopes or managing expectations downward, Netanyahu is deliberately elevating the stakes. "Exploiting success is no less important than achieving success," he emphasized this week, a philosophy that will guide his approach to these critical talks.

President Donald Trump awaits Netanyahu as a leader basking in the glow of strategic triumph. Trump's decision to authorize direct US participation in devastating strikes against Iran's nuclear infrastructure not only demonstrated unprecedented bilateral cooperation but also fulfilled his campaign promise to avoid prolonged regional conflicts. The American president successfully navigated between decisive action and escalation prevention – exactly the balance his critics said was impossible.

This diplomatic momentum propels Trump toward his broader Middle East objectives established before inauguration – comprehensive war termination and accelerated peace agreements. The convergence of military success and political opportunity creates a unique window for transformative regional arrangements.

The atmosphere surrounding next week's meetings combines urgency with opportunity, pressure with potential. Time constraints intensify as regional dynamics shift rapidly, while multiple strategic openings demand immediate attention. The agenda will encompass both tactical decisions and strategic declarations, celebrating shared victory while charting future cooperation.

American involvement in Iran operations has fundamentally transformed US-Israel relations, elevating the partnership to unprecedented levels. This development's impact on Israel's regional standing cannot be overstated, particularly given how it complements rather than replaces Israel's independent military achievements. The enhanced partnership promises expanded political dividends alongside military cooperation.

Yet enhanced partnership brings corresponding obligations, especially when American intervention appears to address existential threats through significant risk assumption. Trump's directive requiring Israeli aircraft recall from Iran missions following ceasefire violations illustrates these new dynamics. Such incidents preview potential friction points ahead.

Israeli accommodation on issues that might complicate Trump's agenda becomes increasingly reasonable given the transformed relationship structure. The principled response to such requests should remain positive, provided they don't conflict with Israel's fundamental interests.

However, forthcoming discussions could address core issues including Iran enforcement mechanisms, potential Palestinian Authority negotiations as Arab normalization prerequisites, Syrian security arrangements within broader political frameworks, and Gaza war continuation parameters. Trump's declaration that he will "be very tough with Netanyahu regarding ending the Gaza war" signals these complex negotiations ahead.

Netanyahu's primary challenge involves ensuring that reciprocal discussions remain within acceptable policy parameters while preparing for arguments that existing or future concessions enable greater flexibility on difficult decisions.

Gaza combat operations and hostage recovery

Current media reporting suggests meaningful progress toward a "limited arrangement" with Hamas facilitating ten living hostages' return alongside 18 bodies. The proposed exchange involves 60-day ceasefire implementation, IDF combat zone withdrawals, expanded Gaza supply operations, and terrorist releases according to predetermined formulas. While specific details remain unclear, the arrangement's most significant element appears to be American guarantees linking the ceasefire to complete war termination.

The American-envisioned conclusion encompasses several key components. First, comprehensive fighting cessation across all dimensions, with Israeli forces maintaining border positions and security perimeters. Second, complete hostage return – both living and deceased. Third, Gaza Strip governance through technocratic structures guided by Egypt, additional nations, and potentially the Palestinian Authority. Fourth, Hamas – though severely degraded – would lose official governmental control while maintaining substantial Strip influence. Finally, portions of Hamas leadership would face exile from Gaza.

Concurrently, voluntary emigration opportunities would become available for interested Gaza residents across multiple countries providing US commitments. Strip reconstruction would proceed contingent upon complete military capability dismantlement.

This framework appears theoretically sound for addressing Israel's primary concerns. However, considering Hamas's residual capabilities, continued high popular support levels, overseas leadership's resource mobilization capacity, and demonstrated recovery patterns, such arrangements would likely enable rapid organizational rehabilitation. These factors become more problematic when considering Hamas's leverage through remaining living hostages and Israel's constrained military options.

Assumptions that civilian governance transfer to internationally-guided mechanisms would prevent Hamas rehabilitation ignore existing Strip power dynamics. Such frameworks would more likely provide Hamas cover rather than confrontation from international oversight bodies.

Given these scenarios, political leadership should maintain complete war objective achievement while pressing Washington counterparts to target Hamas leadership operating from Qatar and Turkey, simultaneously advancing voluntary emigration initiatives.

Iran conflict's expanding scope

The Iranian confrontation has entered its opening phase rather than reaching conclusion. Operation Rising Lion successfully achieved all designated objectives, optimally accomplishing every feasible military goal within its operational parameters.

Iran emerges wounded, humiliated, and revenge-driven. Assumptions about Iranian passivity would be strategically dangerous. Alongside capability reconstruction efforts and operational lessons learned, Iranian leadership will pursue Israeli retaliation opportunities regardless of timeline requirements. Intelligence and security officials must operate assuming Iranian surprise attempts without restraint considerations.

The first issue requiring Israeli-American agreement is enforcement of Iran's activities. Israel must clarify that enforcement without agreement is preferable to agreement without enforcement.

President Trump has repeatedly declared that Iran will not have military nuclear capability. From Israel's perspective this is extremely important, but not sufficient. We must also talk about limiting ballistic missiles and precision weapons, through which Iran planned to achieve against Israel influence similar to that of non-conventional weapons.

Iran must not receive any relief or benefit to convince it to sit at the negotiating table. The international community still has the option to impose sanctions on Tehran through the snapback mechanism, and this should be activated.

Syrian strategic calculations

Syrian developments exemplify new reality dilemmas facing Israeli decision-makers. Israel confronts delicate strategic choices requiring careful balance between opportunity and risk. Excessive threat focus could eliminate rare opportunities for northern border reshaping and regional influence expansion. Conversely, "Oslo process" style concessions might enable dangerous Islamist threats in critical areas.

Israeli experience demands cautious approaches, particularly regarding security deployment modifications for various scenarios. This caution becomes essential when engaging regimes led by jihadist figures whose Western-friendly presentations lack authentic testing and may represent survival tactics rather than genuine transformation.

Golan Heights status discussions remain completely unacceptable. The only acceptable modification involves Syrian regime de jure recognition of existing arrangements. The Golan Heights constitutes Israel's strategic eastern defense line. Golan Heights retention without peace agreements surpasses peace agreements without Golan Heights control.

Any agreements must guarantee Israeli aerial and ground operational freedom throughout Syria for minimum decade-long periods, including proactive operations against hostile establishment attempts. Syrian regime limitations must prevent agreements or alliance participation enabling hostile elements' Syrian establishment or operational bases across territorial, maritime, and aerial domains. These restrictions prevent Syrian transformation into corridors or focal points for threats against Israel from regional or extra-regional sources. Syria must also face restrictions on developing, producing, or acquiring strategic threat weapons including nuclear, biological, chemical, missile, and precision capabilities.

Israeli demands should include Druze community security guarantees while positioning Syria as potential Palestinian Gaza emigrant destination following Trump initiatives. Syria's suitability stems from Arab identity, regional proximity, and historical connections. Given expected extensive reconstruction requirements for millions of Syrian citizens, Palestinian Gaza integration wouldn't create exceptional burdens. These arrangements should integrate Israeli, American, and Syrian coordination frameworks.

Effective enforcement mechanisms must anchor all agreements. Accumulated experience demonstrates that agreements without enforcement lack meaningful value.

Strategic partnerships with conditions

Saudi Arabian peace agreement opportunities – representing the Arab world's most significant player – reach unprecedented accessibility levels. Iranian nuclear program strikes and "axis" dismantlement, including Hezbollah collapse and Assad regime disintegration, create new Middle Eastern realities where moderate Arab states recognize Israel as solution rather than problem against extremist Islam. Mohammed bin Salman's Vision 2030 provides foundation for demonstrating this transformation.

However, Saudi-Israeli relationship establishment must never be conditioned on Palestinian Authority status improvements. Post-October 7 Israel cannot afford questionable adventure engagement. Abraham Accords removed Palestinian Authority veto power over Arab-Israeli relationship establishment, and this authority must not be restored. Palestinian statehood, regardless of border limitations, constitutes Israeli security threats.

Agreement, alliance, or economic profit considerations must not override strategic judgment. Saudi Arabian peace agreement significance cannot be exaggerated, yet not every price justifies such achievements.

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Israel Hayom provided comprehensive coverage of these developments in recent days. The critical modification in Israel's position centers on incorporating explicit American guarantees within the agreement's text – ensuring the ceasefire will facilitate negotiations toward the war's complete end.

An additional commitment involves expanding humanitarian assistance to Gaza Strip residents. Trump announced these developments through a late-night post on his "Truth" social media platform, confirming Israel's acceptance of terms enabling a two-month ceasefire agreement. He subsequently directed pressure toward Hamas, stating, "My Representatives had a long and productive meeting with the Israelis today on Gaza. Israel has agreed to the necessary conditions to finalize the 60 Day CEASEFIRE, during which time we will work with all parties to end the War. The Qataris and Egyptians, who have worked very hard to help bring Peace, will deliver this final proposal. I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this Deal, because it will not get better — IT WILL ONLY GET WORSE."

These statements followed Trump's meeting with Minister Ron Dermer, who leads Israel's negotiating team for hostage deal discussions.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who is to visit the White House next week, conducted a restricted security consultation Tuesday evening following negotiation progress, with discussions focusing partly on whether to dispatch a negotiating delegation to Cairo.

Egyptian media reported Tuesday that Israeli and Hamas delegations plan to arrive in the capital soon to advance technical negotiations, occurring just days before Netanyahu's scheduled Washington meeting with Trump.

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"The Israeli people are paying a tremendous price and bearing it magnificently," Netanyahu stated. "There are personal costs involved, people have been injured, and sadly some have been killed. Families have lost their beloved ones, and I deeply value their sacrifice. Each of us carries a personal burden – this hasn't spared my own family, as this marks the second time my son Avner has had to cancel his wedding." The prime minister also referenced his wife Sara Netanyahu, noting she has "carried a personal burden for years" as he spearheads Israel's campaign against Iran's nuclear ambitions.

Netanyahu highlighted the contrast between Israeli and Iranian targeting methods, explaining "we can see the complete difference – we strike with precision against military objectives while they target hospitals where patients cannot even evacuate. This represents the fundamental distinction between a democracy operating under legal constraints to protect itself and these killers. It speaks volumes."

When questioned whether Khamenei should be considered "a dead man," Netanyahu declined to dismiss the possibility of elimination. "Nobody enjoys immunity," the prime minister declared. "Every option remains open, though I would rather not discuss such matters publicly and allow our actions to communicate our intentions." He emphasized that "during wartime, words must be selected with great care – and actions executed with absolute precision." He appeared to walk back the statement made by Defense Minister Israel Katz a short while earlier that Khamenei should not be allowed to exit.  Netanyahu said Israel's operation had only two direct goals: To rid the threat posed by Iran's nuclear capabilities and to deny it the possibility of attacking Israel with ballistic missiles, thus appearing to exclude regime change but without explicitly rejecting Katz's comments.

Katz's comments on potentially targeting Khamenei were made when he visited the missile impact zone in Holon, where he issued the war's first explicit elimination threat against Khamenei. "Any dictator like Khamenei, who leads Iran while proclaiming Israel's destruction as his banner – simply cannot be permitted to continue existing," he declared.

On potential American involvement in future operations, Netanyahu commented "that decision rests with President Donald Trump, who understands the dynamics at play." He also addressed speculation about regime change in Iran, drawing historical parallels by noting "twenty-five centuries ago, Cyrus liberated the Jewish people – today the Jewish people are assisting the Persian people in achieving their freedom."

He said Iran had the chance to dismantle its nuclear program through talks, but they squandered that opportunity by not reaching a deal with the US.

"He [President Trump] gave them the chance to do it through negotiations, they strung them along. You don't string along Donald Trump, you know, he knows the game, and I think that we're both committed to making sure that Iran will not have a nuclear weapon and they won't."

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During his remarks at the scene, the defense minister added that "for decades, Khamenei has been a sole ruler. A dictator who has inscribed the destruction of the State of Israel on his flag. This is a terrible thing – such a person must not be allowed to exist. Alongside the operational objectives, preventing the existence of such a thing is also part of the goals. It's like a hornet's nest – when you approach it, you understand its significance."

In statements he published shortly before on social media, Katz wrote that "the cowardly Iranian dictator sits in the depths of his fortified bunker and fires targeted shots toward hospitals and residential buildings in Israel. These are among the most serious war crimes – and he will pay the price for them."

According to Katz, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the defense minister instructed the Israel Defense Forces "to increase the intensity of attacks against strategic targets in Iran and against government targets in Tehran – to remove threats from the State of Israel and undermine the ayatollahs' regime."

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also responded this morning to the Iranian barrage and said that "this morning, Iran's terror thugs fired missiles toward Soroka Hospital in Beer Sheva and toward civilian population in central Israel. We will exact the full price from the tyrants in Tehran."

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It's possible that under the circumstances we've reached, there truly was no escape from this difficult decision. However, reversing the "complete blockade" policy, particularly with this timing, is a result that should never have happened, no matter from which angle you look at it.

Because Hamas received the prize of allowing supplies into Gaza, exactly during the critical hours of negotiations in Doha. Meaning, at the time when Gaza's population is desperate for relief due to war pressures and the organization is beginning to show some flexibility as a result – Israel is easing its pressure and thus reducing Hamas' interest in reaching a deal. In other words, it's no longer President Joe Biden, but we ourselves who are pressuring Hamas with the right hand while helping it with the left hand. This is completely unreasonable.

The timing is also unfortunate from a military perspective. On the same day that the IDF escalates its use of force in Gaza, it is also weakening the effect of that same operation by easing pressure on Hamas. Again, a policy that contradicts itself.

As mentioned, perhaps by last night's point in time there was already no escape from the decision due to American pressure. However, this moment didn't suddenly appear, but rather stems from a chain of previous decisions and a work pace that goes back months.

Because while Trump's train races forward, making many major decisions at breathtaking speed, Netanyahu's Israel trudges along energetically. Every step is taken with extreme caution, slowly, bit by bit, with hesitations, wonderings, deliberations, and delays. And so, while we were promised that immediately upon the entry of the new IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir, the IDF would embark on the great campaign to destroy Hamas, three months have passed without this happening – and not because of him.

"Those who need to know – know"

Or another example. On May 5, the cabinet decided to give Hamas a ten-day ultimatum to reach a deal. As a senior security official updated at the time, "(There is) a window of opportunity until the end of the US president's visit to the region to execute a hostage deal according to the 'Witkoff model'... If a hostage deal is not carried out, Operation Gideon's Chariots will begin with great force and will not stop until all its objectives are achieved."

Yet President Donald Trump left the Middle East by Thursday afternoon. A deal was obviously not signed, yet Israel continues dialogue with Hamas and is slicing the "Gideon's Chariots" operation like salami. Those who need to know – know.

In other words, Netanyahu, according to his well-known method, manages things cautiously and slowly, step by step, when there are always good considerations for his decisions. The problem is that the inherent contrast between him and Trump creates a gap between the individuals. When Trump wanted to open the gates of hell in January, we went for a pause and a deal. That's where we lost him. That's where the trains disconnected.

This is also how we arrived at the situation where last week he led his regional tour without Israel. And this is also what's behind his claims about hunger in Gaza.

The conclusion is that Israel in the Trump era must move forward quickly. Trump has absolutely not turned against us, but he certainly struggles to understand why we are delaying. And when he doesn't understand, we are forced to take steps that harm our own fundamental interests.

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Wenkert has declared he cannot truly be free while other captives remain in Gaza, speaking out in a powerful interview that revealed harrowing details of his 505-day ordeal in Hamas captivity.

"They don't have their freedom, I cannot accept my freedom if they're not all back here," Wenkert told Reuters during an interview at his home in Gedera, Israel. "I wake up with it in the morning, I go to sleep with it at night. It's with me every minute of every day."

The 23-year-old survivor, who was released in February under a temporary ceasefire agreement, expressed frustration at the ongoing stalemate in hostage negotiations, according to Reuters. Little progress has emerged from recent indirect talks between Israel and Hamas mediated by Qatar, Egypt, and envoys from US President Donald Trump's administration in Doha.

Reuters reported that Hamas insists it will release all remaining hostages only in exchange for a complete end to the war, while Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu favors temporary ceasefires and continues to maintain that the conflict can only conclude with Hamas' total defeat.

Wenkert described the horrific circumstances of his capture during the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack that targeted the Nova music festival. According to his account provided to Reuters, he initially hid beneath dead bodies in a roadside bomb shelter as Hamas fighters set it on fire.

"Suddenly there was a red bright light, and it became very hot and smoke started coming in (to the road side bomb shelter) and we understood they were setting the bomb shelter on fire," Wenkert said in the interview with Reuters. "And the fire was going inside, they were burning the bodies that were laid at the entrance."

Reuters noted that after escaping the burning shelter, Wenkert was stripped to his underwear, beaten, and transported into Gaza where he described being attacked by civilians of all ages. "And there (in Gaza) hundreds of civilians stormed (the truck), people of all ages, two year olds on the shoulders of their fathers, with rocks, with pipes, lynching me, blocking the Hamas pick up truck, trying to pull me out," he recounted.

The torment continued underground, where Wenkert spent his entire captivity. Reuters reported that he described severe physical and psychological abuse, including being beaten with lead pipes and surviving on minimal food – often just a single piece of moldy bread per day.

"They beat us up a lot, a lot, they left me tied in my underwear for three days until they got me something to wear, my underwear was soaked in pee, because I peed my pants from fear when they kidnapped," Wenkert told Reuters.

The psychological toll led him to a breaking point. "I felt I was at the point of no return. That even if they moved me straight home, I won't be back to being myself ever. I won't be able to recover," he explained to Reuters. "I felt totally crashed, and I had a ceremony of farewell from myself, from who I was, what I was, from the person that I was. I said goodbye to myself first, and then I imagined my mother and my father saying goodbye to me."

Reuters reported that Wenkert was held alongside other hostages, including Evyatar David and Guy Gilboa-Dalal, for approximately half of his captivity. Both men remain in Gaza among the estimated 58 hostages still held captive, of whom about 20 are believed to be alive.

Before his release, Wenkert was paraded in front of crowds by armed Hamas militants in Nuseirat, Gaza. Hours after his release, Hamas released footage showing David and Gilboa-Dalal watching the spectacle of Wenkert's release and pleading for their own freedom. Since returning to Israel, Wenkert has joined family members of remaining hostages in public demonstrations demanding their release. Reuters noted that he recently participated in a march marking the second birthday in captivity for Guy Gilboa-Dalal.

"I can't understand it, you've heard us (released hostages), you've heard me, I'm everywhere, you've heard every one that returned (from Gaza captivity)," Wenkert said to Reuters. "There is no one that haven't spoken, whether in Israel, in the world, on social media, in closed doors. You've heard us everywhere. How can people be left there for even one more minute? How? How?"

He adds, "The time for a deal was a long time ago. I came out late, so what can we say about those who are still there? It's about time to end it, war or not war, truly, first and foremost to stop abandoning the hostages. Bring them home."

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