The 15-minute meeting that Vladimir Putin requested with Benjamin Netanyahu lasted for three hours. It was the early 2000s, Putin was newly installed as president of Russia and Netanyahu was a former prime minister and a "concerned citizen" – in other words, he was at the time out of the political game.
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"From the first moment, I took the measure of the man. Putin was smart and shrewd and totally committed to restoring Russia's standing as a great power... It was precisely because of my assessment that I was dealing with someone who couldn't be toyed with that I decided to be straightforward with him," Netanyahu writes of his meeting with Putin in his recently published autobiography, "Bibi: My Story."
It was a conversation that marked the beginning of a long-standing personal and political alliance between the two.
The fruits of this alliance are just one item in a complex web of contradictory interests and considerations Israel should consider when approaching the concerning Russia-Iran-Ukraine triangle. There are so many different perspectives with which to view this intensely volatile issue that it becomes almost impossible to paint a clear picture.
Let's begin with the moral aspects. Putin, a dictator, violated basic international norms when he invaded Ukraine and his army committed war crimes. As a Jewish state, Israel should be the first to cry out against such actions.
On the other hand, Israel – and Netanyahu in particular – owe Putin a lot: For the recovery of the remains of missing IDF soldier Zecharia Baumel from Syria, an operation that put the lives of Russian soldiers at risk; for using its veto power at the United Nations Security Council to serve Israeli interests against then-US President Barack Obama; for recognizing west Jerusalem as Israel's capital; and for a positive attitude over the years toward Jews and their state.
There is another moral aspect that is not often raised. Israel received a license from Russia to operate in what it sees as a country under its patronage, Syria. This is despite the opposition of Syria's President Bashar Assad. In other words, Israel too "invades" the territory of a foreign country, and it does so with Russia's agreement, so why should it complain? Israel is the last country that can join the West against the "Russian invasion."
On the other hand, some project the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the issue of Judea and Samaria. As Maj. Gen (res.) Tamir Heyman of the Institute for National Security Studies put it, "Israeli is resolutely opposed to an external interference in border conflicts and the resolution of border issues through external enforcement." That in his opinion is a decisive consideration in not speaking out against Russia.
Alongside the moral considerations, there are national ones. Israel must, of course, maintain its freedom of operation in Syria. But here as well, opinions within the Israeli establishment are divided.
Some are of the view that Putin does not have the energy to interfere with Israeli Air Force operations in Syria at the moment, and that were he to do so, the IDF could overcome any obstacles. Others warn that Russia's air defense systems in Syria cover the entire air space of Israel and that only a fool would put civilian air traffic at risk.
As if all that were not enough, "the day after" must also be taken into account. Those that believe the West will win want to make it clear that they are "on the right side of history" as Yair Lapid stated before taking over as prime minister. After all, when the war ends, the question that will be asked is, "Where were you at the moment of truth."
On the other hand, those that believe that Putin has no red lines and will do anything to survive and emerge victorious, are maintaining neutrality. That seems to be Netanyahu's approach.
A new element was added this week to Israel's complex web of considerations – Iran. Russia is making the ayatollahs its main arms supplier and Iranian soldiers are launching drones from Russian territory. Now, Israel is facing a completely different reality, an axis of evil that is emerging before our eyes.
One could go as far as to say that Israel's years-long warnings that Iran is a global problem are coming true. Is it not therefore the time for Israel to make its contribution to the global battle?
In addition to this dramatic development, Ukraine is putting heavy pressure on Israel to supply it with an air defense system. While other defense systems are available from countries around the world, Israel's air defense systems are superior and combat-proven. Under current circumstances, it is difficult to turn down the request.
By joining forces with the Iranian enemy, Russia has placed itself firmly in the camp that is against Israel. What point is there now in maintaining neutrality?
On the other hand – and I apologize for the back and forth – some claim that the purchase of weapons systems does not constitute a Russian position in favor of Iran and against Israel. On the contrary, if Israel frames it that way it will push Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Putin into each other's arms. Until Putin turns against us – and so far he hasn't – we must not paint him that way.
Another concern is that if Israel actively assists Ukraine in defending itself against Russia, then Russia will help Syria defend itself against Israel. As a senior defense official put it, "Do we really want to see our planes falling from the sky over Syria?" But another defense official countered, "We can handle the Russian anti-aircraft systems. Israel is not alone."
In short, the choice between morals and commitments, between Russia and Ukraine, between Putin and Zelenskyy, between East and West, between right and wrong, between historical and strategic, between the heart and the mind, is becoming ever more difficult, and even impossible. Both the political and defense establishments say the dilemma is one of the most difficult Israel has faced.
Israel stands by Ukraine, NATO, and the West and is conducting a policy of humanitarian support and provision of life-saving systems and defense equipment, Defense Minister Benny Gantz said in a meeting with European Union ambassadors earlier this week. However, I would like to stress that Israel will not transfer weapons systems to Ukraine due to various operational considerations. We will continue to support Ukraine within our restrictions as we have done until now.
Surprisingly, Netanyahu, the leader of the opposition, has supported the government's policy and agrees with the position expressed by Gantz.
The government "are taking a prudent policy... On the question of weapons, there is always a possibility -- and this has happened time and again -- that weapons that we supplied in one battlefield end up in Iranian hands used against us," he said in an interview with NSBC as part of the promotion drive for his book in the United States.
In the web of contradictory interests, one thing is certain: the Ukraine war, with no end in sight, is rearranging the global balance of forces. As Ukraine's vast steppes turn into a muddy quagmire, Israel must consider its steps carefully and avoid any errors that could lead to its decline.
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