Israel escalated preparations over the weekend for the extensive military operation in Gaza, the second phase of Operation Gideon's Chariots, or at least it seeks to signal such an intention. This may be an almost final attempt to pressure Hamas into additional concessions in negotiations taking place behind the scenes with the United States.
The strikes on high-rise buildings in the city were carried out, according to IDF spokesperson statements, because they served terrorist purposes, but it seems they also have a direct connection to the effort, conducted sluggishly until now, to accelerate the movement of the Palestinian population southward, to allow forces a clean area of operation free of civilians.
Until the strikes, only tens of thousands out of about one million residents of the city had abandoned Gaza, and on Saturday movement of vehicles was already reported to be more active, although the masses have not yet abandoned the city despite Israel's announcement that an additional humanitarian corridor was opened in Khan Younis (in addition to the one operating in the al-Mawasi area).
It appears the Palestinian public, which has already migrated south and north several times during the war, seeks to wait and see if the planned operation will actually be implemented before moving again. Increasing the aggressiveness in IDF operations could certainly lead to this, although it will also come at an immediate price of increased international pressure on Israel to avoid action.
Two years into the war, there is no longer a way to separate the issues: Israeli announcements that a destroyed structure was connected to terrorism are received with indifference and disinterest, compared to the enormous empathy that sweeps up the distress of Palestinian civilians.
The one who clarified the direct connection between the events was Defense Minister Israel Katz, who, in his clumsy and insensitive manner, attached the word "we started" to his tweet about bringing down high-rises in Gaza. 700 days into the war, and for the man who is supposed to be responsible for security, everything that happened until now was just a prelude to the real thing.
Clumsy conduct
Indeed, Katz manages his tweets alone, but he tries to hit Netanyahu's mindset with them. It seems there has never been such a great disconnect between decision-makers and those whom the decisions directly affect – the hostages and their families, the combat soldiers and their families, and anyone wondering how the current move will succeed where similar other moves failed, especially when it is done against the sweeping objection of all security establishment heads.
For Netanyahu, these are just annoying background noises; he doesn't even bother to explain his intentions and actions to the public, settling instead for esoteric "interviews" that stroke his ego but don't really challenge him.
The result is damage in every interview. Last week, this happened in an interview with an American podcast where he casually acknowledged the Armenian genocide and exacerbated the crisis with Turkey, and over the weekend, following an interview he gave to the operator of the Telegram site "Abu Ali Express" that led to a direct confrontation with Egypt.
Netanyahu was asked in the interview about the possibility of Palestinians leaving Gaza through the Rafah crossing. "I can open the crossing for them, but they will be immediately blocked on the other side by Egypt," he replied. Egypt's Foreign Ministry rushed to publish a condemnation statement, establishing that "this involves attempts to prolong escalation and avoid dealing with the consequences of Israel's violations in Gaza."
Netanyahu's office responded that he "spoke about the free choice of each and every person to choose their place of residence. This is a basic human right at any time, and especially during wartime. The Egyptian Foreign Ministry prefers to keep in Gaza residents who want to leave a war zone against their will."
Netanyahu deliberately pressed on Cairo's pressure point. Mass flight of Gazans is the Egyptian nightmare in every possible aspect: in the need to care for masses of refugees who will burden its troubled economy; in fear of the rise of the power of the Muslim Brotherhood, the declared enemy of the regime in Cairo, and its destabilization as a result; and finally, in turning the Palestinian problem into an Egyptian problem.
Egypt has already clarified it will not allow this to happen, and it may order reinforcement of forces in Sinai, contrary to the peace agreement. Netanyahu knows this, but for a meaningless headline in a meaningless interview, he chose to ignite unnecessary fire toward Cairo.
This is not the first time such directed fire has been ignited from his office southward: his advisors did this too in the "Qatargate" affair, according to the suspicions currently being investigated. It turns out Israel doesn't have enough fronts it is currently managing, and it seeks to open another one against the largest and most important of its neighbors, while endangering the most significant agreement it has signed in its history.
The Israeli public is less aware of this. It is preoccupied with "September issues": the end of the summer vacation, the return to school and work, and the arrival of the High Holidays, and is not aware of the possibility that it could become a catastrophic September.
This is not just the immediate danger to the fate of the hostages in Gaza whose harsh condition was revealed again in the video of Alon Ohel and Guy Gilboa-Dalal published three days ago, and to combat soldiers' lives, it is also the fear of undesired slippage into military rule and also the growing political siege and bursting hostility toward Israelis and Jews everywhere in the world, whose signs are multiplying daily.
This reality is expected to worsen if the operation in Gaza is indeed accelerated. Meanwhile, it appears Israel is allowing time for diplomatic talks, without taking an active part in them. Netanyahu has entrusted his fate (and ours) to President Trump, who revealed over the weekend that his country is conducting intensive negotiations with Hamas.
In Israel, they hope the military pressure will do its part, but they are wrong to think the dilemma is on one side only. In Jerusalem, too, difficult decisions are required: two years into the war, Israel will not be able to evade them for long.
