One man, Saleh al-Armouti, became no small headache for King Abdullah during the war with Iran. Not that the Jordanian monarch lacked other troubles, but throughout the campaign the chairman of the Islamic Action Front bloc kept winking at Tehran and chipping away at the narrative the royal court was trying to push. A glitch in the system. Under the protection of the local parliament, the shrewd lawyer handed the government fresh embarrassments every week. At 76, he no longer has much to lose.
Perhaps it is the broad backing he receives from his tribe, along with the size of his parliamentary faction. The Islamic Action Front won 31 seats in the most recent election. The movement, considered the political arm of the local Muslim Brotherhood, has become a force that must be handled with caution. It began as a bear hug. The regime wanted to dissolve the subversive movement into the political system. In practice, it became a thorn in its throat: impossible to swallow, impossible to spit out. And yet the thorn kept swelling, and the sense of suffocation has been rising in the corridors of the royal court.
Or perhaps it is simply a matter of personality. Al-Armouti has been into the eye of the storm before. About two decades ago, he seized the dubious opportunity to join the defense team of Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. A few years ago, he published a book with his relative, historian Omar al-Armouti. In A Farce of a Trial, they state unequivocally that it was an unfair proceeding that would remain a stain on US history. The parliament member is convinced that Saddam Hussein's fall was "a great loss" for Jordan. In his view, the local economy deteriorated because "Saddam provided oil for free or at low cost." This is not an unusual opinion in the kingdom, especially given that Saddam's reign of terror was replaced by pro-Iranian militias that launched attacks toward the southern neighbor.
Where Were the Palestinians Born?
Meanwhile in parliament, the Islamist representative singled out what he sees as the real enemy. "I demand a declaration of jihad. I demand that every Arab and Islamic regime wake up and sever diplomatic and political ties, along with security coordination, with this enemy that is harming our nation, our existence, our identity, our heritage and our land. Why is the Organization of Islamic Cooperation silent? Where is the Arab League?" Al-Armouti was not speaking about the Iranian regime, as might have been expected, but about Israel. This time the pretext was the proposed death penalty law for terrorists.
"Where is the UN Human Rights Council?" al-Armouti continued. "The same body that decided to refer Netanyahu to the International Criminal Court. They demand the abolition of execution laws worldwide. And today the Zionist entity, in light of Arab and Islamic silence, is declaring its support for that. But as long as there is a brave Palestinian people fighting the Zionist enemy, it will continue to sacrifice." Like other populists, his statements had little connection to reality. The UN and Arab states did condemn the bill, but al-Armouti achieved his goal: to inflame the Jordanian public as much as possible. He was not satisfied with that, of course, and also wondered why the Jordanian government was silent over Israeli and US strikes on "Arab and Islamic countries."
In his view, it is not enough merely to sever diplomatic ties; all peace agreements with Israel must be canceled. Al-Armouti claims the peace treaty paves the way for turning Jordan into an alternative homeland for the Palestinians and "allows them to be uprooted from their land." The problem is that it is not easy to neutralize a parliamentary faction. More than a year ago, Jordan announced that it was banning the activities of the Muslim Brotherhood in the country. Some senior party figures were questioned and arrested on suspicion of supporting the movement. The party itself was required to sever ties with the Muslim Brotherhood and, in the meantime, agreed to change its name from the Islamic Action Front to something else.
Establishment figures or Hamas supporters
Absurdly enough, al-Armouti is still considered part of the movement's "establishment" wing. Moreover, Palestinian sources have reported that in recent months Jordan's prosecution filed indictments against several senior officials and members affiliated with the movement. They were accused of money laundering after being investigated over the transfer of funds to Hamas and other terrorist organizations during the war in Gaza. Among those named was the movement's general supervisor in Jordan, Murad al-Adayleh. The indictment said the funds were allegedly collected for humanitarian aid, but the process was carried out without the required approvals.
"In Jordan, the Muslim Brotherhood is not cut from a single cloth," Dr. Michael Barak, a senior researcher at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism at Reichman University, told Israel Hayom. He explained that more radical elements within the movement continue to cooperate with criminal organizations and pro-Iranian power brokers on Syrian soil in smuggling weapons and drugs into Judea and Samaria, with the aim of opening another front against Israel.
During the war, Adayleh publicly backed Hamas. He took swipes at the rulers of Arab states and, by implication, at the Jordanian royal court as well. On another occasion he declared that "Jordan and the Jordanians have no choice but to be in the first trench in defense of Palestine. The determination of the Jordanians to support Gaza must not be harmed. Jordan's role is critical and necessary in breaking the siege on Gaza by sending medical convoys and aid, and by strengthening the Arab and international position to stop this criminal war."
A threat no one admits openly
On the opposite side of Jordan's internal conflict stand the unofficial spokesmen of the Jordanian royal court. These officials, who once held formal positions, have lately been busy echoing the palace line. Broadly speaking, the messaging is split into three parts: first, placing responsibility on Iran for direct attacks against Jordan and calling for them to stop immediately. Second, warning of the economic crisis ahead. Third, shifting attention toward Israel, though in a softer tone than the Islamists use. King Abdullah himself spoke in that spirit and concluded with a warning against changing the status quo vis-a-vis the Palestinians.
"Bassam al-Amoush, a Jordanian diplomat who served as Jordan's ambassador to Iran, accused Iran of undermining the kingdom's stability as far back as the 1990s," Dr. Barak added. "In 2024 he said Iran was determined to penetrate Jordan and take it over through Shiite tourism, economic inducements in exchange for bringing Iranian workers into Jordan, weapons and drug smuggling from Syria, the establishment of terrorist cells, and exploitation of the war in Gaza. At the same time, Jordan does not want to be on a direct front line against Iran on its own. It prefers to manage the confrontation under the American umbrella."
"Jordan is now experiencing a unique crisis in which sources of concern and escalation from within and from outside have become mixed together," former Jordanian Information Minister Samih al-Maaytah wrote recently in an article in the newspaper Al Rai. According to him, Jordan was not a party to the regional escalation but became one because of the Iranian regime's decision to attack it. "Jordan is not only a military target for Iran, but also for military militias in neighboring countries. There are also political militias inside Jordan and outside it. Those who justify Iranian aggression against Jordan and the Gulf evade and hide in order to avoid standing with their country," the former minister said. It was a broad hint aimed at the country's Islamists.
The state has also had to deal with political forces within it that refused to condemn Iranian aggression. "The security threat extends to places that we, the citizens, cannot see," al-Maaytah stressed. He warned of sleeper cells seeking to exploit the situation for terrorist activity against Jordan and its institutions. "The economic aspect is also important, and it is causing concern among the people. But despite all the fears, the lives of Jordanians have remained normal and the state has managed to reduce the impact to a minimum."
Bypassing Haifa
These messages reflected the kingdom's hierarchy of threats: the danger posed by incoming projectiles, the potential economic damage, and the suspicion directed at enemies within. In response to the first threat, the kingdom showcased its air defense capabilities. According to Jordanian officials, about 300 drones and ballistic missiles have been launched at the kingdom since Feb. 28, and most were intercepted. As for the economic damage, the government this week announced a compensation plan for Jordanian citizens whose property or homes were damaged by missile and drone debris. It also stressed the importance of keeping the Strait of Hormuz open without restrictions. At the same time, it appears to have bigger plans in store.
Diplomatically, the government has apparently decided to bypass Israel when it comes to an intercontinental cargo route. Instead of turning Haifa Port into a connecting point between the Far East and Europe, Jordan is working to establish an alternative route via Syria and Turkey. This week in Amman, Transportation Minister Nidal al-Katamin met with his counterparts, Abdulkadir Uraloglu of Turkey and Yarub بدر of Damascus. The three signed a memorandum of understanding to "strengthen cooperation in transportation among the countries." The goal is to develop a system that will ease the movement of people and goods. During a visit to the Jordan Hejaz Railway Company's operations center, officials noted the departure of the first truck from Jordan through Syria to Turkey, a step reflecting the renewal of trilateral trade and "paving the way for renewed links with European markets."
The real culprits
When it comes to enemies within, the unofficial spokesmen point at Hamas, and not for the first time. This week, former Defense Minister al-Maaytah saw fit to address the terrorist organization's praise for the Iranian axis. "Hamas continues with declarations of absolute support for Iran and hopes for its victory while it attacks the Gulf states and Jordan. Hamas is aware of the reaction among the peoples and states of the Gulf to the positions of Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood. Has Hamas stopped to examine the effect of its positions on the Palestinian cause and the Palestinian people? Before launching smear campaigns, think for a moment," he warned, in a thinly veiled threat.
"Iran has given Gaza nothing but destruction," Jordanian politician Tarek Abu al-Ragheb said on an Arab television channel, portraying Hamas as an Iranian puppet. "Let's talk about the support Iran claims it provided to Palestine. Today, if you walk through Gaza, you will find the Qatari street, the Kuwaiti street and the Saudi street. You will find a Jordanian hospital, a Bahraini hospital. But you will not find anywhere in Gaza even a scrap of cloth that Iran exported to the area. Iran transferred money to senior figures in the Hamas militia to avenge Qassem Soleimani [the Quds Force commander killed in 2020]. It hurts, but this is the bitter truth: Hamas avenged Qassem Soleimani on Oct. 7."
Hamas tried to limit the damage in its relations with Arab states. "In Gaza, we are always full of feelings of love and belonging toward the Arab nation," Hamas spokesman Hazem Qassem said in a statement that was not especially convincing. "Of course the peoples of the Gulf states are at the heart of that love and belonging. They are our people and our relatives, like all the peoples of our nation [the Islamic nation]."
Arab audiences were not persuaded. "Those are words on paper. In reality, the heart is with the Iranians." "May Allah curse you." Those were only some of the responses.
