Before being summoned back to Syria from Britain in the 1990s to prepare for succession after his father, Hafez al-Assad, Bashar al-Assad had trained as an ophthalmologist in London.

A source close to the Assad family said the former Syrian president is currently studying Russian and relearning the field of ophthalmology. "It's his passion," the source said. "Obviously, he doesn't need the money. Even before the war began, he practiced in Damascus." The sources estimated that members of Moscow's "elite" could become his clients in the future.

A year after the collapse of his rule in Syria, following a long civil war in which he massacred his own people, Assad and his family are living lives of luxury in Moscow and the United Arab Emirates.

Two sources estimated that the Assad family is residing in Rublyovka, one of Moscow's most exclusive neighborhoods.

"These are quiet lives," a family friend told The Guardian. "He barely has any contact with the outside world." According to the source, Assad is in touch only with a small number of figures from the former regime, including Mansour Azzam, a former minister, and businessman Yasser Ibrahim.

A source close to the Kremlin said Assad has largely become irrelevant to Putin and to Russia's elite.

"Putin has little patience for leaders who lose their grip on power, and Assad is no longer seen as an influential figure or even as an interesting guest to invite to dinner," the source said.

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Since capturing Damascus, Ahmad al-Sharaa (also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani) has sought to present a pragmatic face. In interviews with the Arab press and meetings with top diplomats, he has consistently projected a calming message: Syria has moved past its wars and has no intention of exporting its revolution.

Yet skepticism abounds in the region. "The current reality in Syria highlights regional instability," Amjad Taha, a UAE-based analyst and strategic advisor, told Israel Hayom. "Turkey has established itself as an occupying power in northern Syria while orchestrating the dominance of radical Islamist factions under its sway.

"While Bashar al-Assad was 'the devil we know,' the Islamist forces shaping Syria's future now represent a volatile threat, their next moves unpredictable. These groups, much like Hamas, may appear focused on domestic issues but could be planning catastrophic escalations reminiscent of the October 7 attacks."

Taha added: "The region finds itself cornered by US policies, which have shifted from Iranian proxies to Turkish hegemony. While Turkey may appear more pragmatic than Iran, its ethnic cleansing of Kurdish populations in northern Syria, as part of a long-term settlement strategy, constitutes a blatant violation of human rights and international law. These actions demand unified global condemnation and decisive intervention."

According to Taha, the alliance between the Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda, supported by Turkey's PR machine, is granting these groups a veneer of legitimacy in the West while undermining regional stability. "The Middle East has no choice but to confront these challenges through diplomatic solutions, recognizing the urgent need to curb Turkey's ambitions and ensure justice for displaced and persecuted communities," he said.

Dr. Michael Barak of Reichman University shared similar concerns. Speaking with Israel Hayom, he noted that al-Julani appears to mask his true intentions. "In the UAE, people joke about how Islamists use the doctrine of Talawun (flexibility)—acting like chameleons by temporarily adopting behaviors or policies contrary to their principles to achieve their ultimate goal. In al-Julani's case, this may involve strengthening the Syrian nation-state in all aspects—security, economy, and military—potentially to threaten Israel in the distant future."

Lebanese Druze politician Wiam Wahhab indirectly criticized rival Walid Jumblatt for meeting with al-Julani in Damascus. "Anyone who believes al-Julani can benefit Lebanon is mistaken. He must not be allowed near Lebanon's border," Wahhab said. Jumblatt, however, seems satisfied with al-Julani's promise to protect minority rights, though Druze communities in Syria have expressed alarm over the rise of Islamist factions.

Iran's frustration

Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei recently expressed dissatisfaction with developments in Syria. While he acknowledged "the emergence of a group of strong and respectable people opposing Israel," he also described the central rebel coalition, Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham, as a "group of troublemakers exploiting Syria's weaknesses to drag it into chaos."

Iran's frustration stems from losing the key weapons corridor to Hezbollah and al-Julani's claim that he thwarted an Iranian-engineered "third world war."

Qatar's bridge-building

The defeat of the Shiite axis has empowered Islamist states Qatar and Turkey. Qatari Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan envision a tripartite alliance to counter Saudi-led conservative states.

"Qatar aims to position itself as a central mediator, maintaining dialogue with all factions," Dr. Ariel Edmoni, an expert on Qatar at Bar-Ilan University, told Israel Hayom. This approach leverages Qatar's past connections with various rebel groups, including its current ties with al-Julani's leadership.

Doha employs humanitarian cover—such as the Emir's directive for an airlift—to gain influence in Syria, particularly in the energy sector. "Qatar has already sent mobile power plants to Syria and likely seeks government contracts with the emerging regime," Dr. Edmoni noted. He dismissed conspiracy theories about Qatar pursuing a gas pipeline via Syria, pointing instead to investments in LNG tankers with contracts signed with China and Japan.

Concerns in Jordan and Iraq

Jordan and Iraq, sharing borders with Syria, are closely watching ungoing developments. Jordanian Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi recently met al-Julani, agreeing on joint efforts against terrorism and arms and drug trafficking. Under Assad, Syria's border with Jordan became a hub for drug smuggling, financing Assad's regime through captagon sales.

In Iraq, pressure mounts on pro-Iran militias to avoid commenting on Syria, as Baghdad distances itself from emerging threats and Syria's new leadership.

Egyptian worries

Egypt, with its significant Islamist population, is also reassessing its stance. "Egypt is trying to maintain normalcy, emphasizing respect for Syrian sovereignty while expressing unease over Syria's new leadership," Dr. Barak explained. Cairo is particularly wary of Syrian interim Prime Minister Mohammad Razi al-Jalali, who allegedly played a role in the 2015 assassination of Egypt's prosecutor general.

Egyptian President el-Sisi has sought to highlight Egypt's stability, contrasting it with Syria's turmoil. However, critics, including the Muslim Brotherhood, accuse his regime of similar oppression. Social media reactions have warned el-Sisi of potential popular uprisings akin to Syria's.

The Biden administration appears cautiously optimistic about al-Julani's moderate presentation, removing a $10 million bounty on his head. Europe sees Syrian stability as a key to repatriating millions of refugees, while Russia, seen as the major loser, is reportedly withdrawing forces and may relinquish its foothold in Tartus.

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Syria's new de facto leader, Ahmed al-Sharaa, declared in an exclusive BBC interview that his war-torn nation no longer poses a threat to neighboring countries or Western nations, marking a significant shift in tone from the country's new leadership.

In the interview conducted in Damascus, al-Sharaa emphasized the need to lift international sanctions, arguing that the measures were designed to target the previous regime. "The victim and the oppressor should not be treated in the same way," he said.

Al-Sharaa, also known as Abu Mohammad al-Julani, led the recent offensive that overthrew Bashar Assad's government less than two weeks ago and heads the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the dominant force in the rebel alliance. He now seeks to distance his organization from its designation as a terrorist group by the UN, US, EU, and UK.

Al-Sharaa directly addressed concerns about his group's past connections to al-Qaeda, which it separated from in 2016. He insisted that HTS does not target civilians and portrayed his organization as a victim of the Assad regime's actions.

Al-Sharaa rejected comparisons between his vision for Syria and Afghanistan's governance model, emphasizing Syria's distinct cultural traditions. He pointed to education initiatives in rebel-held territories, stating, "The percentage of women in universities is more than 60%" in Idlib province, which has been under rebel control since 2011.

When questioned about specific policies, the BBC reports that al-Sharaa deferred to future legal processes, saying that the "Syrian committee of legal experts" would write a constitution that all leaders would need to follow.

The interview showed al-Sharaa in civilian clothes, appearing relaxed as he attempted to reassure those skeptical about his group's break from its extremist past. Many Syrians remain unconvinced, and the actions of Syria's new rulers in the next few months will indicate the kind of country they want Syria to be – and the way they want to rule it.

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The situation in Syria remains complex and fluid, yet the path forward from Bashar al-Assad's oppressive regime is becoming clearer. The opposition forces that liberated Syria from the dictator who built brutal prisons have emerged from radical Islamic movements, including former ISIS affiliates from Iraq.

Nevertheless, their leader, Ahmed al-Shara, previously known as Abu Muhammad al-Julani, strikes a different tone. His statements have resonated positively across Syria's diverse spectrum of ethnic groups, religious denominations, and communities.

Al-Shara, a devout Muslim and former ISIS member who founded Jabhat al-Nusra (now Hayat Tahrir al-Sham), appears to have evolved. Those who have met with him recently describe a pragmatic leader working to adapt to the new reality he helped create in Syria.

Regarding Israel, al-Shara sees no conflict and has declared he will not allow attacks against Israel from Syrian territory. He emphasized that he and the new leadership are committed to the 1974 Disengagement Agreement on the Golan Heights. His government has even requested the UN to extend UNDOF's mandate in Golan.

Sources close to al-Shara say regional states should support the Syrian people and make clear to the new leader that without including all segments of society in building the new Syria, he cannot be a regional partner. These sources explain that while he seeks rapprochement with the West and Israel, he lacks experience in regional politics and power struggles. He has an understanding with Turkey, but serious disagreements remain over issues like northeastern Syria's integrity.

Those familiar with Syria understand that Assad's fall surprised not only Israel, Turkey, and the entire Iranian axis, but also the opposition forces involved and their leader himself.

Given the opposition leadership's inexperience, regional and Western pressure is needed to prevent the Islamization of Syria simply because of its diverse religious groups and denominations. This requires establishing leadership representing various factions and streams, while maintaining Sunni predominance across both religious and secular groups.

Al-Shara looks to Israel first before making decisions regarding the Golan. He does not condemn or complain about Israeli strikes on former regime bases; rather, this helps him build a new army with Western weapons and end Russian dependence following Iran's complete withdrawal from Syria.

Conversely, he hopes Israel will evaluate him and his actions. His circle says the groundwork exists for good, productive neighborly relations. They emphasize that al-Shara could potentially sign a peace agreement with Israel and resolve the Golan issue with all its implications.

A close associate stresses that Israel is not an enemy and its actions will determine future relations. The new Damascus anticipates and desires an end to hostility, building new relationships benefiting both peoples and the entire region.

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Israel is closely monitoring Turkey's attempts to establish itself in Syria amid concerns that the weakened Iranian axis could be replaced by equally radical elements on Israel's doorstep. According to information obtained by Israel Hayom, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been addressing this issue since the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, particularly following Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's recent decision to deploy significant forces in Syria.

New data emerging now sheds light on the reason for Israeli vigilance: In 2023 alone, the largest number of weapons smuggling attempts into Israel originated from Turkey.

Netanyahu has been forced to address this issue following exceptional findings at border crossings that indicated that parallel to the Iranian smuggling route through Jordan to the West Bank, an equally extensive route operates through Turkey. Since October 7, Turkey has increasingly aligned itself with Hamas, with its leaders even providing safe haven for the organization's continued activities.

Hamas "charity" funds operating freely in Turkey have been collecting money to finance the organization's terrorism for many years. The Turkish-global threat intersects again with Israel at this point where Assad's regime has fallen and Syria has created a vacuum that could invite new-old threats facing the Golan Heights.

While the IDF tactically focuses on eliminating the Assad army's capabilities, some worry Israel is again missing the strategy: preventing another murderous regime with Nazi ideology from growing on our doorstep – Assad, Abu Mohammad al-Julani, or Erdogan – it's all the same thing.

Regional sources expressed doubts to Israel regarding rebel leader al-Julani's recent polished speech and requested Israeli vigilance regarding what's to come. Others warning Israel include Syrian Kurds and Druze, who fear falling into the hands of the Turks and al-Julani's men.

Defense Minister Israel Katz addressed developments in Syria during Monday's Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee meeting, saying in the closed session that "The main reason for the Assad regime's fall is the rebels' sense that the Iranian axis has significantly weakened, a feeling that prompted them to act." Katz added, "We must be prepared for all scenarios and prevent the formation of a tangible threat to Golan residents and to avoid returning to the pre-October 7 reality of invasion threats into Israeli territory."

Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee member MK Amit Halevi has already approached Netanyahu twice on this matter, requesting to examine the possibility of actively working toward Syria's redistribution into "cantons," an issue also being examined by top defense officials. "We currently face a clear danger that Syria will become a regional center of radical Islam and Erdogan's imperialist ambitions," Halevi wrote to Netanyahu. "Therefore, it is crucial that, especially during these days, Israel's government initiates an international conference to reorganize international borders within Syria and with its neighbors. This is necessary to ensure state security and prevent the establishment of a neo-Nazi regime in the spirit of extreme Islam."

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Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's drive to modernize Saudi Arabia is gaining momentum as regional developments, including the collapse of Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, create new opportunities for Middle Eastern stability, POLITICO reports.

The kingdom's transformation is evident in recent developments that would have been unthinkable a decade ago. Last week, Riyadh launched the world's longest driverless metro system, while international pop star Jennifer Lopez performed at a fashion show celebrating women, organized by Lebanese designer Elie Saab. The country also secured rights to host the 2034 World Cup.

"What has changed in this country? Everything," Mohammed Alyahya, senior advisor to the Saudi foreign minister, told POLITICO. "We all thought it might take two to three generations. It was sudden, and it worked. We have a leader in this country who is drawing on the energy of the 'youth bulge' to remake it."

This transformation reflects a significant shift from Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's earlier approach to regional politics. After becoming heir apparent in 2017, he initially pursued an aggressive foreign policy, including Saudi involvement in Yemen's civil war and confrontation with Iran. However, he has since pivoted to focus on domestic modernization through his Vision 2030 plan.

The kingdom's reform agenda comes as the Middle East faces new strategic realignments. Prior to the Hamas attack last year, Saudi Arabia had been moving toward normalizing relations with Israel. While these talks are currently paused, recent regional developments, particularly Iran's weakened position following Assad's fall, could revive the normalization process.

"Why aren't we getting enough foreign direct investment? The geopolitical perception of the region is not good," Abdulaziz Al-Sager, head of the Gulf Research Center, told POLITICO.

Saudi Arabia's stability hinges partly on its ability to provide opportunities for its young population, with 70% of Saudis under 35. The kingdom is following the United Arab Emirates' model, emphasizing technology, artificial intelligence, and increased female workforce participation while seeking to diversify beyond oil dependence.

The upcoming Trump administration elicits mixed reactions in the region. While President-elect Donald Trump's strong support for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu raises concerns about progress on Palestinian issues, his previous success in facilitating normalization agreements with Israel and tough stance on Iran is viewed positively.

"We've moved from geopolitics to geoeconomics," UAE diplomatic advisor Anwar Gargash, who helped negotiate the 2020 Abraham Accords, told POLITICO.

Despite China's growing influence, including its role in brokering Saudi-Iranian normalization, the United States remains the dominant external power in the Middle East. Saudi officials emphasize their desire for a US security guarantee, preferably through a Senate-ratified treaty similar to NATO arrangements.

The focus on economic development and societal modernization has shifted Saudi priorities regarding regional conflicts. While Saudi media covers the Gaza crisis extensively, government directives to religious leaders emphasize prayers for Gaza while moderating criticism of Israel.

This balancing act reflects broader changes in regional dynamics. Diplomats describe the pace of Saudi transformation as "China on steroids," with one noting that "there is this sense that they don't want anything to screw up the good things that are happening in their own country."

The stability of these reforms appears to be holding, with no significant backlash from political Islamists or the emergence of new extremist movements. Government officials report reduced corruption levels under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's leadership, though the country maintains strict controls on political dissent.

Saudi officials dismiss comparisons to smaller Gulf states regarding potential normalization with Israel. "We're not UAE, we're not Morocco, we're not Bahrain," a government source said. "We won't just cut a deal." Some analysts suggest King Salman, while largely deferring to the crown prince on most matters, has insisted on addressing Palestinian concerns in any normalization process.

The kingdom faces several long-term challenges despite its current trajectory. These include managing oil price volatility, which is currently trending downward, and ensuring economic opportunities for its young population. Regional instability, particularly in neighboring Yemen and the evolving situation in Syria, continues to pose security challenges.

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Following the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, a global pursuit has begun to trace billions of dollars hidden by the family over five decades of authoritarian rule. According to an article published in The Wall Street Journal, this investigation—expected to take years—resembles efforts to recover wealth concealed by dictators such as Saddam Hussein and Muammar Gaddafi, which yielded only partial success.

The Journal reports that the Assad family accumulated its fortune through market manipulation, monopolies, and drug trafficking, primarily Captagon—a drug popular across Arab nations. The family's network spans the globe, with estimated wealth ranging between $1 billion and $12 billion. Much of this wealth was hidden in countries outside the reach of international law or in tax havens, complicating efforts to locate and recover the assets.

A 2022 report by the US State Department highlighted how the regime exploited economic manipulation and illicit activities to consolidate power. Bashar al-Assad leveraged the family's economic network to maintain control during his presidency, while his younger brother, Maher, facilitated drug smuggling through his military unit. Revenue from Captagon alone generated an estimated $2.4 billion annually, helping the regime circumvent Western sanctions. Meanwhile, Assad's cousin, Rami Makhlouf, served as the regime's primary financier, dominating sectors like telecommunications, banking, and duty-free services.

In 2020, tensions surfaced within the Assad family when Bashar began curbing Makhlouf's influence. Makhlouf was placed under house arrest and stripped of some of his assets, a move analysts interpreted as an attempt to tighten control over Syria's collapsing economy.

With the Assad regime's collapse in December 2024, Syrian citizens began taking matters into their own hands. Videos shared on social media showed people looting the family's presidential palace in Damascus, seizing furniture, artwork, and luxury vehicles, including Aston Martins and Lamborghinis.

Simultaneously, human rights organizations and Western nations launched efforts to trace the family's hidden assets. In one notable case, a French court in 2019 froze €90 million in assets held by Rifaat al-Assad, Bashar's uncle. However, similar efforts to locate assets in Dubai and Russia are expected to face significant challenges due to a lack of cooperation from these nations.

One central question in this investigation is the fate of any recovered funds. With Syria now in political chaos and rebel forces vying to fill the power vacuum, it remains unclear how the retrieved wealth will be allocated.

Human rights attorney Toby Cadman told The Wall Street Journal that the Assad family combined economic crime with brutal violence to sustain its rule. "We must return these funds to the Syrian people," he urged.

Beyond legal efforts, international stakeholders hope that recovering the assets could aid in rebuilding Syria and alleviate the severe economic crisis affecting the country, where 70% of the population lives below the poverty line.

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As images emerged this week of Syrian prisoners being freed from Assad's notorious prisons, Syrian Jews who escaped to Israel decades ago were reminded of their own traumatic experiences under the regime. While welcoming its collapse, they say the documented atrocities barely scratch the surface of the systematic persecution they endured.

Even today, S. hesitates to tell everything. He's even afraid to identify himself. Years of terror under Assad's regime left deep psychological scars and persistent anxiety. His body also bears physical marks from the torture he endured while imprisoned in Syria. This week, Syrian Jewish emigrants in Israel welcomed the regime's fall, but their harsh memories from decades of tyranny under the Assad dynasty – both father and son – remain vivid.

"Life in Damascus was like living in a ghetto," S. recalls. "You couldn't leave the neighborhood without permission. For any purpose, you had to go to the Mukhabarat (intelligence) headquarters in the neighborhood and get approval. Assad Senior, may he rot in hell, made our lives miserable. Leaving the country was forbidden, especially for Jews. Anyone who spoke against the government was thrown in prison for decades, with no one knowing their fate. There was an atmosphere of constant fear."

Born in Damascus in 1947, he left at age 40. "I made aliyah through an unconventional route. We crossed the Syria-Turkey border on foot – 27 hours of walking without food or water, my family and another family, 17 people in total."

Did you believe you would live to see this regime fall?

"Honestly, no. After decades, you stop believing it could end like this."

The era that ended this week began in 1966 when Hafez al-Assad became defense minister in the Baath government. In 1971, he appointed himself president. After his death in 2000, his son Bashar inherited the position. This week, he fled with his family to Moscow as rebels advanced.

S. watched all the disturbing videos this week showing prisoners being freed from Syrian jails. "I know those places well – I'm a Prisoner of Zion. I spent a year and three months in Mezzeh prison."

At 22, married with a daughter, S. first attempted to cross the border into Lebanon. Near the border, the family was caught. "Jewish ID cards had 'Musawi' (follower of Moses) written in large red letters, impossible to miss. When we were caught, they told me to get out of the car. They took my wife and daughter out, removed the Muslim driver, and beat him severely. Blood was flowing everywhere. They released my wife and child but took me to prison. I have marks all over my body from that time – on my fingers, hands, feet, back. When I remember that period, everything goes dark," he says quietly.

When I apologize for perhaps stirring unwanted memories, he says the scars don't let him forget anyway. "I'm reminded of that time whenever I shower. Such torture in that prison, such torture. May their names and memory be erased."

Even with the slim possibility that it might now be possible, he has no interest in visiting where he grew up. "I can't look at Damascus – as far as I'm concerned, let all of Syria burn. I suffered there. I always told myself I didn't want my children to suffer like I did. When we left, we abandoned everything–- decades of work. I left my shop, my home. Within the Jewish community, we had it good, but with the regime? No, no, and no. I hope this regime disappears completely, but it still has roots there – this isn't over yet."

The peak of persecution against Jews in Syria under Assad came during wars with Israel. Arabs who fled Israel after the establishment of the Jewish state became particularly hostile neighbors. When the Six-Day War broke out, S. was visiting his fiancée's house. "We heard planes bombing; my brother-in-law and I went to look. We climbed onto the roof and watched the sky. The Palestinian neighbor went to neighborhood intelligence and reported us. Three or four armed intelligence officers came. We came down from the roof, and suddenly, they were pounding on the door, an iron door. They knocked the entire door down out of sheer hatred for us. The neighbor pointed us out. They took us, removed our belts from our pants, tied our hands behind our backs, and marched us through the streets – us and others they gathered from the neighborhood, 10 or 12 Jews. As we walked, all the Palestinian neighbors spat at us, cursed us, and then we faced interrogations at intelligence headquarters." The suspicion spread by neighbors was collaboration with Israeli fighters or paratroopers.

"In '73, when the war began, we were in synagogue," S. continues. "When they heard there was war with Israel, people left the synagogue and went home, afraid. You always knew regime officials could come whenever they wanted and do whatever they wanted to you."

He sighs deeply, hesitating whether to share another story. "I worked various jobs there. I was also in the burial society. Once, they came from intelligence on Friday night, saying, 'Come with us.' Where? 'To the cemetery.' What's at the cemetery on Friday night? 'We'll tell you later.' They took me from the synagogue on Friday night by car. We arrived there; they brought four coffins. And those coffins, I don't want to tell. Things have been hidden for almost 40 years. Secrets of 40 years. Still hard to tell."

What S. witnessed firsthand was the tragic story of four Jewish girls who were caught in March 1974 trying to escape Syria, were severely tortured, murdered, and their bodies mutilated. The event deeply shook the Jewish community.

A two-and-a-half-year-old prisoner

In his book "Escape from Damascus," attorney and CPA Jack Blanga describes the history of Syria's Jewish community and his family's escape across the border to Israel. Born in 1968, he arrived in Israel in 1980. He and his parents, Azur and Rachel Blanga, had a previous escape attempt that ended in capture and imprisonment. The father was imprisoned separately and endured hardships, while the mother was held with her son. In Israel, Blanga received a Prisoner of Zion certificate for the period he was detained with his mother when he was just two and a half years old. The detention conditions for the toddler, imprisoned with a group of women, were harsh. Water and food were barely provided, and hygiene was impossible. His release after several weeks came following intervention by international human rights organizations, who protested the imprisonment of a toddler.

Blanga is disappointed that the dictator managed to escape: "It's unfortunate they couldn't get their hands on Assad this week. After the atrocities he committed against his own people, he deserves punishment." In his book, he describes how, as a child,d he watched his father being forced to vote in Syria's unfree presidential elections, with an intelligence officer making it crystal clear to his father that there was no avoiding entering the polling station, nor avoiding marking "yes" on the ballot to support Assad's continued rule.

The horrific images from Syrian prisons distributed this week are just the tip of the iceberg, he says. "What they showed is very little. Many people simply disappeared over the years. They dissolved them, with all that implies. For us as Jews who grew up there, and also for the State of Israel, the regime's fall is definitely good news."

In 1992, following American pressure, Syria allowed thousands of remaining Jews to leave. "Syria needed US aid then, and as part of the pressure applied, they allowed Jews to leave. Their property had to be left behind. Very few have remained in Syria since then. In the early period in Israel, we had few means, and integration wasn't easy," says Blanga, who later became vice president of the Institute of Certified Public Accountants in Israel.

As an active community member here, do you have connections with the Jews who remained?

"A little, through social media. In recent days I've written to them but haven't received responses yet. These are elderly people, and it's hard to know if they're afraid or under pressure and, therefore, are not answering or if there's another reason. I hope everything is alright with them."

He, too, has only bad memories from his birthplace. "It's not easy growing up in a place you're forbidden to leave. We were prisoners there. You couldn't walk with a kippah in the street because they would throw stones at you. From the house where I lived in Harat al-Yahud, the Jewish Quarter in Damascus's Old City, we could see the Syrian Mount Hermon. It made me happy this week to know that our soldiers are now sitting there looking down at Damascus from above."

Following the Madrid Conference

Dr. Nathan Haswa, a family physician, was born in '69. "I was born in Damascus to my parents, Haim and Frida. The Jewish neighborhood then had about 4,000 people and 23 synagogues. The Jews were essentially hostages from '48 until '92. Even before Assad's regime, they were prevented from leaving the country, and under his rule, the situation worsened. Initially, Jews were prevented from buying homes and studying at university. After several years, these prohibitions were eased, partly due to pressure from Henry Kissinger. Jews were allowed to study and hold property. In '79, there was a possibility for the temporary exit of one family member in exchange for leaving a sum of money at the Mukhabarat offices."

For many families, the general desire to escape the harsh life in Syria was intertwined with decades-long forced separation from family members. In 1942, the Jewish Agency managed to smuggle about 1,100 children from Syria to Israel, but when the state was established, the border closed, and their families remained in Syria. Thus, they were separated for decades. "Every Jew in Damascus or Aleppo waited for an opportunity to leave. There were quite a few escape attempts through Lebanon and Turkey. Some were caught at the border," Haswa recounts.

He remembers the shock that gripped the community after the horrific murder of the four girls in '74. "I was a child, but I remember we went on a kind of protest march toward government institutions in Damascus. The young girls wanted to leave the country also because they had no Jewish suitors. At one point, Kissinger asked Assad to allow 100 girls from Damascus to leave for New York. He only gave him 13."

Haswa studied medicine in Syria at Damascus University, graduating in 1991. He describes the international circumstances of the early nineties that led to change: "After the US fought Iraq and the Soviet Union collapsed, the Madrid Conference was held, and within its framework,k Israel requested that Jews be allowed to leave. President Bush Sr. asked to permit Jews to leave Syria and also to release five Jews who were imprisoned in Damascus for wanting to escape the country. They were in very bad condition. At that stage, President Assad was supposed to be 'elected' for the fourth time. Damascus Jews were asked to participate in a pro-Assad campaign in exchange for releasing three or four prisoners. I remember the propaganda signs that Damascus Jews were forced to write, including my brother Marco, saying Assad was our father, that he was a good leader."

"In '92, Jews were allowed to leave, on condition they wouldn't emigrate to Israel. A declaration was made in the Syrian parliament, where Assad said Syrian Jews were free and had full rights to leave, buy, and acquire. I remember my late father paying the government representative 250,000 liras and giving him expensive gifts – carpets and vases – to get a passport. The next stage was going to the US Embassy in Damascus. They gave visas immediately. We flew on an Air France night flight to the US, and when we landed, we were greeted by Syrian Jewish organizations and refugee organizations. I was 24. Many Jews had relatives in the US, and the celebrations at New York's airport were huge. The synagogues left behind were looted, and the houses were looted. In '94, Rabbi Albert (Abraham) Hamra, the Chief Rabbi of Syrian and Lebanese Jews, made aliyah, and Shimon Peres received him. In Syria, 300 or 400 people remained. They wrote then that the era of Damascus Jews' exile had ended."

Haswa watched images of the regime's collapse this week, but no sense of nostalgia arose in him. "The Jews who left Damascus never felt and do not feel that Syria is their homeland or that they belong to the Syrian people. Even if there's longing for school or the Jewish neighborhood, and even if, over the years, some American passport holders went to visit, the general feeling is that no one wants to remember this country. What is there to see? The neighborhood is destroyed, and the synagogues were looted. Also, those who seized power now are not peace-loving people. It's a divided and torn country. I don't foresee a particularly bright future for it. I saw atrocities on television; now they're hanging Assad regime people, acting like ISIS. There's no security there, no government. Thank God we're not there anymore."

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Jet contrails crisscrossed the high skies over the Golan Heights, interweaving with cirrus clouds. The tiny dots releasing white smoke streaked from east to west, leaving little doubt about where they came from and what they had done just minutes earlier somewhere in Syria.

Below them, at Tel Saki, I meet a group of "Pera" fighters, a combat reserve unit of Golan residents monitoring the eastern frontier. The famous "Hill Line" where we stand on Monday morning was, until 48 hours ago, a tourist route commemorating the legacy of the Yom Kippur War. Now, suddenly, it has awakened as a war front. Among the monuments and signs telling the stories of 1973, this winter's warriors plan their future moves. This is how "the eternal one of Israel that shall not deceive" manifests itself.

"Pera" was established as a lesson from Hamas' invasion of southern Israel last year. Over black coffee and a map spread on the rock, the Golan natives study their sector and prepare for any potential trouble. They won't be caught off guard again. Battalion 8552 deployed in the sector was also created due to the war. It consists of former combat unit members who insisted on returning to the reserve force, even though the IDF hadn't officially recalled them. They were mobilized under emergency orders three times – first to Nahal Oz, then to the Ephraim Brigade, and now to the Golan.

"We started to understand dramatic developments were unfolding the previous Tuesday," says Lt. Col. (Res) Itamar, deputy commander of Battalion 8552. "We received reinforcements and recalled people from home. By Saturday, we understood we were going to enter Syria, and our role was to transfer forces and secure topographically significant areas affecting defensive capabilities. The entry itself was incredibly moving. I was there. Nothing like this had happened in 50 years. Alertness was extremely high, especially since this wasn't an event anyone expected. We had prepared to maneuver in Lebanon or Gaza, not Syria. But this is now a different reality and a different mindset. The Golan's defense system is now behind us."

Do you have contact with the local population?

"Most of the population has left. Armed individuals are visible at a distance but don't approach. Children herding sheep wave hello to us."

My tour continues at the foot of Mount Bental, where steel track marks carved into the ground reveal who passed through here just hours ago and in which direction. At many junctions near the border, military jeeps and light vehicles face eastward. The persistent buzzing of drones accompanied them from above.

"It's quiet here today, but yesterday and Saturday, we clearly heard the fighting and the constant air force flights," says Yehoshua Moskowitz, a resident of Alonei HaBashan, Israel's easternmost settlement. Since the war began, the community has been on high alert. The gate is locked. Posts are scattered throughout the settlement. The readiness unit to which Moskowitz belongs is mobilized.

Ironically, after a year and two months of peak tension, "last Thursday, when they saw the ceasefire with Lebanon stabilizing, they decided to release the readiness unit," says Tamir Forsher, chairman of the community council. "But then the internal chaos in Syria started. We heard the shooting clearly and contacted the relevant authorities. At first, they didn't really understand what we wanted and responded with indifference, but on Saturday night, they mobilized the unit again. They only had two days of respite."

Together, we climb Tel Hazeka near Alonei HaBashan, adjacent to the border. In the valley below us, Israel operated a camp for Syrian civil war refugees in the past decade. Under the radar, connections are still maintained with the Druze minority in the heights and other sympathetic forces. But now, on the heights like everywhere else, all is quiet and pastoral, even on the Syrian side.

Smoke rises in the distance. Vehicles move here and there. While we chase after the war and don't see much, the IDF is writing a magnificent historical chapter east of us. The main offensive capabilities of the Syrian army were and are no more. The Israeli air and naval forces destroyed them, while ground forces seized the buffer zone, including the snow-capped Hermon peak in the distance. For now, it can be cautiously assessed that the Syrian Hermon and buffer zone will remain in Israeli hands until the coming of the Messiah. Perhaps even after.

Contrary to all predictions

The fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime and the elimination of his army are stunning byproducts in terms of Israel's interests. After the destruction of most of Hamas' force and the severe blow to Hezbollah, the Iranian axis built with such effort has gone up in flames. Moreover, when the Iranians have no foothold in Syria, it's hard to see how they'll rebuild the axis.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was right in every word when he said, "The collapse of the Syrian regime is a direct result of the heavy blows we dealt to Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran. A new, dramatic chapter has opened in Middle East history. Yesterday, something fell – literally. Assad's regime in Syria, a central link in Iran's axis of evil, collapsed after 54 years. Iran invested many billions in Syria, everything went down the drain."

True, neither he nor anyone else predicted Assad would fall. Probably not even the rebels themselves. Incidentally, the only one in the Israeli system who foresaw turbulence in Damascus is the new Military Intelligence chief, Shlomi Binder. "Eyes on Syria," he repeatedly told his people in recent weeks. Still, even before the Hamas massacre, but certainly after it, we must wake up from the illusion that intelligence can provide strategic forecasts. No intelligence agency predicted the fall of the USSR, Ceaușescu, or Mubarak.

And, of course, one year and two months after October 7, no one could have guessed that the outcome of that Saturday would be the collapse of the Iranian axis. Yet here we stand, and not by chance. Now, the question is what to do with Israel's rare strategic advantage over the Islamic Republic. The obvious answer is the destruction of the nuclear program. Iran remains without its defensive layers – Hamas, Hezbollah, Assad, the air defense array – and with half its offensive capability. There hasn't been, and may never be a better opportunity.

However, operationally, at least according to public information, only the US currently has the bunker-buster bombs needed to penetrate the underground facilities where the nuclear program is being developed. For America to act, a decision must be made by the commander-in-chief. In other words, by the president.

At least externally, there's no indication that Joe Biden is about to do anything. If Biden were to give the order, it could actually be a glorious finale to a struggling presidency, particularly in the international arena. As one of Donald Trump's advisers says: "What's the worst that could happen? What can Iran do? Nothing."

That senior official in the future administration is right. Iran, at most, could attack Israel and the Gulf states with its remaining missiles. While this damage shouldn't be dismissed, the risk is certainly worth it, especially since Israel and the US can now easily shoot down missiles from the ayatollahs. After all, that's what happened with Assad.

As things appear currently, not only Biden but also his successor don't want military action. Trump and his advisers are talking about renewing the "maximum pressure" policy on Iran, meaning sanctions and economic isolation. However, this isn't enough. For 20 years, various sanctions have been imposed on the Iranians. This hasn't prevented them from reaching the threshold of a bomb. Therefore, we can only hope that the outgoing or incoming president will come to their senses and remove this danger from humanity.

A New Page?

Back to Syria. The whole world is wondering about the nature of the emerging government. In Israel, the new rulers were immediately identified as jihadi figures, and there's no doubt that this is the background of Mohammed al-Julani (in Hebrew, "from the Golan") and the gangs with which he overthrew Assad.

But a deeper dive into the man's history leads to a twist in the plot, a positive one. "You could say he's a Syrian patriot. Based on his history and statements, he's not part of global jihad and opposes it," says Nadine Khalifa, an Egyptian-born journalist and researcher based in Turkey, who interviewed al-Julani in Idlib in 2020 for the international research institute Crisis Group.

In a phone call from Turkey, Khalifa explains that al-Julani "left ISIS and later al-Qaida because he only wanted to fight Assad. He claims he was part of those groups when he was a young man in his 20s, and later regretted it. These organizations hate him because of his positions, and he also pushed them out of territories he controlled. In his circles, opposing global jihad puts your life at risk, but he persisted and paid a price for it. He never changed his position that his only desire was to remove Bashar al-Assad."

Khalifa conducted the conversation with al-Julani in an area under his control in Idlib. "You can learn from what happened there about what's expected in Syria. It's a conservative Islamic government, but it's not Kabul. Women don't just study at home but teach at universities."

But you know he's wanted by the Americans for terrorist activity?

Khalifa: "That's obviously true, but the sanctions were imposed on him for his ISIS period. They have no record of international operations. He said only Syria interests him, and now, after overthrowing Assad, he also says he won't pursue Iranians or Syrians outside Syria."

What about Israel?

Khalifa directs me to hopeful words said Wednesday by Syria's new Prime Minister, Ahmed al-Sharaa. In an indirect response to Netanyahu's warning not to reconnect his country to the Iranian axis, he said that Syria "is not ready to enter wars and has no intentions of entering wars in the future. On the contrary, the source of concern was the presence of Iran and Hezbollah."

While the rebels' PR is sophisticated and adapting to the West, it was actually Israel that erred in publicizing its moves. The destruction of the Syrian army was undoubtedly necessary, but there was no reason to take credit for it. Like the bombing of the reactor in Syria in 2007, or the campaign between wars that began in 2011, some things are better left ambiguous. Yes, everyone knows who did what. There was no need to rub it in the other side's face with videos and a global media tour. One day, someone will present us with the bill for this.

And they have Chagos

Chagos. You've never heard of this tiny British archipelago in the Indian Ocean, 5798 kilometers (5798 miles) from London. After decades of conflict, as far as possible from international attention, Prime Minister Keir Starmer's Labor government announced in early October that it would transfer most of the 60 square kilometers of Chagos to its original inhabitants. Well, not exactly original.

The story begins in the days of European world domination. Sometime in the 18th century, France conquered Chagos and forcibly transferred hundreds of Africans there, turning them into slaves who produced oil from coconut trees. Later, Britain pushed out the French and annexed this tiny point to Her Majesty's government.

In the 20th century, the British Empire collapsed but left several footholds around the world. Everyone has heard of the Falkland Islands near Argentina, for which Margaret Thatcher went to war. About Chagos – nobody. The British kept it for themselves and the Americans when they granted independence to nearby Mauritius in 1968.

It was no coincidence that Chagos remained secret and under Western control. During the Cold War, the US sought to secure any point that could help prevent communist expansion. Thus came the decision to evacuate 1,000-2,000 descendants of those slaves from Chagos – the exact number of deportees is unknown – and build air and naval bases for heavy bombers and American vessels. According to British media reports, a secret CIA base was later established in Chagos, and ships, planes, and people were prohibited from reaching the place without permission.

However, the deportees and Mauritius didn't give up. Several hundred evacuees snuck back to the archipelago, dreaming of returning to their stolen home. How did it end? In years of detention camps. "We're like dogs, living in an open prison," they told the BBC.

In recent years, the conflict erupted into the open. Mauritius, the descendants of the deportees, the UN, and its institutions, including the International Court of Justice (ICJ), came out against London and Washington, who ultimately decided to give up almost entirely. Recently, the parties announced a framework agreement whereby the American bases will remain in Chagos for the next 99 years in exchange for lease payments. Meanwhile, residents will be allowed to return.

How is all this related to us? Well, during the years when all these events took place – meaning conquest, transfer, and detention camps – London was and remains one of the European capitals most hostile to Israel. Not a day passed without governments, media outlets, and international lawyers there rolling their eyes, clapping their hands, and preaching morality to us about the "atrocities" of Israeli control in Judea and Samaria – an area that is by all accounts the Jewish homeland, an integral part of the Land of Israel, and located a stone's throw from Israel's population centers.

So the next time some Brit lectures you about "occupation," "discrimination," or "apartheid," respond with one word: Chagos.

The post Israel's position has never been better; now is the time to capitalize appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.

Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov confirmed Wednesday morning the presence of former Syrian ruler Bashar al-Assad on Russian soil, validating widespread speculation that President Vladimir Putin had granted political asylum to the Syrian dictator.

After ruling his country for nearly a quarter century, Assad has now joined the millions of refugees who fled Syria during its civil war, officially going into exile. But for those of us accustomed to the Syrian ruler over the years, and perhaps feeling sympathy for the tall, lanky eye doctor, the following details might change that perspective.

Russian media outlets recently reported extensively on the Assad family's assets within the Russian Federation, with their astronomical value revealing the incredible scale of the Assad regime's plunder from its citizens. According to reports, President Assad owns 18 luxury apartments in the prestigious City Capitals project, while other family members hold an additional 20 luxury units in the development. Together, the family controls substantial portions of two skyscrapers in central Moscow's financial district.

It remains unclear whether Assad plans to house family members who fled Syria's dire circumstances in these numerous apartments or intends to rent them for substantial income. Additional reports indicate Assad owns other global assets worth at least $2 billion.

Western media outlets have suggested Assad plans to retire from political life and return to his work as an ophthalmologist at hospitals in Russia and the United Arab Emirates. While the accuracy of these reports remains uncertain, given the estimated wealth the ruler has positioned outside Syria's borders, he likely won't need to work a single day for the rest of his life.

The post Enjoying Moscow: Assad's new life appeared first on www.israelhayom.com.