It seems that the last thing anyone can say about the so-called Qatargate affair is that it's a bluff, as Benjamin Netanyahu claimed yesterday. From the facts already known about the case, it's clear that Qatari money was paid to Netanyahu's close advisors in exchange for a campaign allegedly designed to promote the emirate's interests – sometimes against Israel's declared interests.
In normal times, Netanyahu would have ordered the removal of these advisors and encouraged the Shin Bet and police to investigate them. But these are not normal times, and Netanyahu chooses to close ranks with the suspects and attack the investigators. He focuses his attack on the Shin Bet and its head, Ronen Bar, while trying to give the investigation the aroma of a personal hunt against him. This is a familiar pattern with Netanyahu – there is never anything wrong with his actions, the problem is always with others.
Many Israelis buy this spin and are convinced that this is indeed a fabricated case. They refuse to be persuaded that the evidence is solid and that the investigation is largely conducted by the police, not the Shin Bet. This is the result of systematic brainwashing that simultaneously maintains four contradictory claims – first, that nothing happened; second, that everything was legitimate; third, that Qatar is not an enemy state; and fourth, that everyone does it.
Who are the Israelis who continue to assist Qatar even now?
Regarding the first claim, as mentioned, it's already clear there was money and there was a campaign. Regarding the second claim, it's doubtful whether anyone can justify the prime minister's closest advisors working simultaneously for a foreign country, certainly one that is a primary financier of Hamas. Regarding the third claim, the formal definition seems less important than the reality on the ground (especially since Netanyahu himself and many of his ministers have declared Qatar an enemy state). And regarding the fourth claim – not everyone does it. Many did it until October 7, but then Qatar was not only not an enemy state, Israel even saw it as an asset. For this reason, there is nothing wrong with the fact that some of Netanyahu's advisors assisted Qatar in an image campaign before the World Cup held on its soil.
Things changed with the outbreak of war. It's necessary to find out who the Israelis are who continue to assist Qatar even now, especially if they are figures connected to the political-security system. Still, there is no comparison between businesspeople (even if they are former generals) and figures operating from within the prime minister's office and allegedly on its behalf. This involves, if the suspicions are proven, a breach of trust of the highest degree, and even beyond.
Netanyahu cares less about security and the Shin Bet, and more about the investigations against him
As part of his struggle against Bar and the Shin Bet, Netanyahu announced yesterday that he would appoint his deputy, S., as acting head of the organization starting April 10. This assumes the Supreme Court will approve Bar's dismissal in a hearing two days earlier. Netanyahu justified his decision by saying he won't have time to approve the appointment of a permanent Shin Bet head in the Grunis Committee. This was a timeframe known even before Bar's dismissal and on the eve of the farce of Eli Sharvit's appointment that was canceled after a few hours. Netanyahu hopes that a temporary appointment of someone from within will soften public criticism and aid the judicial decision.
It turns out again that Netanyahu cares less about security and the Shin Bet, and more about the investigations against him. Otherwise, there is no logic in placing an acting head in such a sensitive organization at such a sensitive time. S. is an excellent commander, but his temporary placement is designed to leave him weak and completely dependent on Netanyahu's good graces. This is a corrupt method particularly favored by Netanyahu – if S. is suitable for the position, Netanyahu should step up an appoint him as permanent head of the Shin Bet.
