US President Donald Trump's visit to the Middle East comes amid a long-term shift in relations between the US and the Arab world. In recent years, it appears that Middle Eastern leaders have adopted a more complex foreign policy, one that is no longer focused solely on Washington, but increasingly also on Beijing and Moscow.
Dr. Aziz Alghashian, a senior Saudi researcher, does not believe Trump's visit will bring a significant turning point in US-Saudi relations. He argues that the Saudis are ready to do business, "but not at any price."
Alghashian recalls the Iranian drone attack on Saudi oil facilities six years ago. He says that "one reason for the rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran was Trump's lack of response, or the hesitant response, in 2019." Riyadh and Tehran renewed diplomatic ties in March 2023 under a Chinese-brokered agreement.
"I think it was a disappointment," Alghashian tells Israel Hayom about the events of 2019. "It showed the Saudis that they needed to rethink things entirely. They realized they would need to invest more in regional rapprochement, particularly with Iran and perhaps others. And if the US can help with that, great. If not, at least they'll be able to shield themselves from the fallout that Trump might bring."
He notes that the current visit differs from Trump's 2017 trip. Back then, he says, there was not only an effort to build US-Saudi ties, but also a clear attempt to personally court Trump. "There was a warm reception aimed at winning Trump over. This time the visit is more about business. I think the Saudis will show they're willing to do deals, but not at any cost."
He believes the two sides will not discuss normalization with Israel during the visit. On that front, a Palestinian source told Sky News Arabic that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman had assured Hussein al-Sheikh, the Palestinian Authority's deputy chairman, that there would be no normalization with Israel without an end to the war in Gaza and a political process toward a Palestinian state.
Regarding the ceasefire in Yemen, the Saudi scholar says Riyadh welcomed the US-brokered deal with the Houthis. However, he adds that the episode underscores Saudi skepticism about Washington's intentions. "The Saudis know the US did this not for Red Sea security, but for the safety of American ships. It was a kind of 'America First', maybe even 'America Only', approach. The danger is that this could end at any moment, and that's exactly what happened in the past."
He says Saudi concerns about Yemen stem from the possibility that they could mobilize ground forces against the Houthis, only to see no meaningful change or American follow-through. "Imagine Saudi Arabia deploying ground troops, something that was discussed a few weeks ago. They understand they've been there before. There's a history of expecting US action and being let down. And when the US response was not strategic enough, or insufficient to effect real change, it proved difficult. That's why they welcomed the agreement. Any further escalation would be harder to manage, and it could spill over into Saudi territory."
Trump's recent decisions may also be eroding America's standing. According to Arab Barometer, the move to freeze the operations of USAID - the United States Agency for International Development - could further harm US influence. Since the Hamas-led October 7 massacre and the ensuing war, favorable Arab public opinion toward the US has already been on the decline compared to attitudes toward China.
Just last month, China and Egypt held their first joint air drill, grandly named "Eagles of Civilization 2025." The exercises began in April and concluded in early May. It's part of a long-term strategic trajectory spearheaded by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi, who has visited China eight times since taking office a decade ago, compared to his predecessor Hosni Mubarak's six visits over three decades in power. A recent report by the US think tank Atlantic Council described early 2025 as the "golden decade" of Sino-Egyptian relations, forecasting expanded Chinese presence in Egypt. In December alone, contracts and MOUs worth billions of dollars were signed.
Arab outrage
Trump's announcement of a plan to evacuate Palestinians from Gaza, suggesting that Egypt and Jordan take them in, sparked outrage in Cairo. El-Sisi indefinitely postponed a planned visit to Washington. As Israel Hayom previously reported, an aggressive online campaign against the US and Israel emerged on Egyptian social media, driven by a digital influence network. Egypt is notably absent from Trump's current Middle East itinerary.
"US-Egypt relations are in a deep and worsening crisis since Trump came to power," Egyptian exile writer Mohamed Saad Khairallah tells Israel Hayom. "The crisis has escalated to the point of what can be seen as political adventurism by Cairo with its most powerful ally, one that has never betrayed its partners. It appears the Egyptian regime is embracing a path that contradicts its own strategic interests."
He adds that "in a short period, Cairo sent four rejection messages to Washington, what one might call 'Cairo's four no's.' First, a refusal to accept Gaza refugees, thus keeping that leverage for political negotiation. Second, a rejection of the legitimate US request for Egypt to join the anti-Houthi coalition. prior to recent developments and the Houthis' partial capitulation. Third, a denial of the US's legitimate desire for free passage of American ships through the Suez Canal, which marks an unprecedented escalation in bilateral ties. And fourth, a personal snub to the president himself: El-Sissi declined Trump's invitation to Washington, instead accepting a concurrent invitation from Russian President Vladimir Putin. He attended the Victory Day celebrations and even sent an Egyptian military unit to participate, an act rich in symbolic and political significance."
The Egyptian writer warns that "the escalation continues, from new arms deals with China and South Korea to elite joint drills in Turkey. All these steps were implemented in recent weeks. The clearest message Cairo is sending the White House is this: 'We are joining the other camp.' If this trend continues, the consequences could be severe, both for the future of bilateral ties and for Egypt's regional and international stability."
