If what the Israel Police said is true, and if the evidence is not debunked entirely by the six suspects in the so-called submarine affair, then this is a real earth-shattering moment.
Here we have a former major general and brigadier general, a former minister and three of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's confidants who allegedly padded their bank accounts while compromising Israel's security because of their greed. This is unprecedented in Israel. All other corruption cases pale in comparison to this one. Former Israeli Air Force procurement chief Rami Dotan skewed bids to enrich himself but he was a lone wolf. Former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert manipulated his travel expense account and did some shady deals with his real estate and other matters but neither he nor his people dared touch Israeli security.
In this case, however, a sacred line has been crossed. The police report from Thursday states that there is sufficient evidence to proceed to a trial. But the State Attorney's Office has a long history of not pursuing the case further or dropping some of the charges after such reports are handed over. And of course, there were many cases in which the defendants were acquitted.
Thus, despite the severe allegations in the report, it would be best if we all let the legal process play out before we jump to conclusions. It is a well-known fact that police investigators often come up with a hypothesis of how the crime was committed – in this case, bribery – and then arrange the facts so that they neatly prove it. Meaning, if the suspects provide an alternative narrative that would credibly explain where the money went, the hypothesis could unravel.
This has worked in the past, as in the case of Alon Hassan, the head of the Ashdod Port workers' union, who was acquitted despite a damning corruption indictment. Friends of David Shimron and David Sharan, two of the suspects in the case, say that they are honest people that would never carry out the alleged crimes. Thus, it would be best if we wait for the entire gamut of evidence is presented in court. Only then should we make a definite assessment.
The same applies regarding Netanyahu. The fact that the report cleared Netanyahu of any wrongdoing is great news. The last thing we need is to have another prime minister embroiled in a bribery scandal. Even so, the prime minister will eventually have to explain his conduct. Netanyahu was not aware of the alleged crimes, and perhaps precisely because of this, he should be questioned. He must explain how three of his most senior staffers became alleged co-conspirators in this scheme. The Israeli Navy and the defense establishment must also explain why they were not aware of what was happening.
Even though the legal, public and political implications of this affair are not clear, there is one matter that must be addressed here and now: the activity of ex-military officials and former diplomats in defense-related matters.
This goes beyond just former Israel Defense Forces officers but also former Shin Bet security agency and Mossad officials and Foreign Ministry employees.
In many cases, too quickly after leaving their post they translate their professional ties into lucrative business deals. That is not to say they cannot forge legitimate ties. But currently, there are no gatekeepers to make sure that public funds are not funneled into private pockets. In other words, it is time that a mandatory cooling-off period is introduced.
