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Dana Ben-Shimon

Dana Ben-Shimon is Israel Hayom's Palestinian affairs and Arab world correspondent.

Hamas feels it's lost ground as terrorist top dog

The Gaza-based organization does not like to see Fatah and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad getting all the "credit" for recent attacks, and could drag Gaza into a military conflict to preserve its own status.

 

Hamas is watching events in Judea, Samaria, and Jerusalem from a distance, sights that should theoretically have ben pleasing to its people in the Gaza Strip. This is what Hamas has wished for and worked for in the past few years, launching campaigns on social media in an attempt to prompt the Palestinian public to operate against Israel.

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Now that it's "finally" happening, Hamas is far from euphoric. Instead of celebrating the "successful" terrorist attacks, the organization is being forced to hold itself to account and figure out how other Palestinian factions have stolen its thunder.

Hamas has found itself lagging behind while the Palestinian Islamic Jihad and Fatah's armed groups are taking center stage in the latest wave of attacks. The dominance of Fatah and the PIJ in Jenin and northern Samaria, and the fact that the last few terrorists came from that area, have led to a situation which the Palestinian public does not see Hamas as the exclusive leader of terrorist attacks against Israel.

Hamas has gotten used to taking the lead role in instigating attacks. The latest developments have challenged that position, at least when it comes to northern Samaria. The PIJ and Fatah military wings are taking Hamas' part of the pie. Hamas, and its Gaza leader Yahya Sinwar in particular, do not like to be left to pick up crumbs.

There is tension between Hamas and the PIJ in Gaza, too. Hamas is at least making a show that the two factions are fully cooperating and hold a unified stance. But the many meetings in Gaza and abroad between PIJ members and their Hamas counterparts could hint that these are not meetings whose sole purpose is to coordinate positions. It's possible that they are also meant to resolve disputes. Even if ideologically, they both support resistance to Israel, Hamas – as the ruling party in Gaza – has much broader considerations to take into account than the PIJ does, which is exempt from any civil responsibility for the more than 2 million residents of Gaza.

Recent events in Jenin are bolstering the PIJ's confidence, and its people in Gaza are feeling stronger than they did in the past when it comes to challenging Hamas. This also has to do with the backing they receive from their leader abroad, Ziad Nahala.

Hamas is now under greater threat at home than it used to be. The fact that the challenge comes from the second-biggest organization in Gaza is making its officials uneasy.

Hamas is not happy that the PIJ and Fatah are getting all the credit in the northern West Bank. If this continues, Hamas' patience could run out, and it might drag Gaza into a conflict merely to preserve its own status and show that it stands behind its declarations that the resistance is alive and relevant.

In this situation, Hamas might lose any motivation to prevent the PIJ in Gaza from shooting rockets at Israel. Even if Hamas doesn't want Gaza involved in a military conflict at this point, it could find itself up against a wall and allow the PIJ to operate freely, both to allow it to let off steam and to prevent its status from being eroded any further. This might not be Hamas' preferred option, but it is a possibility that exists.

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