The furious response to recent terrorist attacks is certainly understandable, but it would be a mistake to come up with solutions to the situation while enraged. On the other hand, those who analyze the problem with reason and logic fail because terrorism is a complicated and emotionally loaded social issue, and even individuals with vast security or military experience are exposed to narrow aspects of the phenomenon. They may be experts in thwarting attacks, but that does not make them experts at contending with terrorism as a broad societal phenomenon that includes long processes of radicalization that eventually result in actual terrorist acts.
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As bizarre as it may sound, unlike an intelligence organization such as the Shin Bet security organization, Israel has no real body tasked with the war on terrorism as a social phenomenon. In Britain, on the other hand, there are centers for the deradicalization of youths at risk of extremism. Some of these UK centers are run by people who belonged to the communities where terrorism originates. In Israel, however, the process of thwarting an attack begins with the planning of a concrete attack. Perhaps it is for this reason that so much of what is considered "powerful" and "effective" handling of terrorism involves proposals for the violation of the human rights of the broader Palestinian population that is not involved in terrorism.
It is important that we analyze the serious threat of terrorism, in particular in accordance with research into the phenomenon. We should also draw the necessary lessons from models successfully used in the war on terror. Take Algeria, for example. By integrating radical elements into the political system instead of banning them, the North African country defeated Islamist violence. In Macedonia, the wave of violence ended when the Albanian minority was afforded increased rights. In the case of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka, alongside a major military operation, improved rights for the Tamil minority played a role in quelling tensions there. In other words, it is critical we deal with societal issues and human rights violations that exacerbate terror.
In contrast to popular opinion, terrorism has nothing to do with poverty and ignorance. According to research in the field, a majority of terror operatives are educated people from the middle class and above. Financial status has an impact on terror rates, but it's complicated. By contrast, political rights and their revocation, meaning political freedom or oppression, has a far greater and unequivocal impact. In 2009, the prestigious Rand Corporation research institute surveyed dozens of terror researchers for the US defense and intelligence systems. They found that one of the points of agreement was that oppression leads to exacerbated terror. The military regime Israel operates in the West Bank and the suffocating policy toward the Gaza Strip are examples of precisely this kind of oppression. Therefore, those who say the true solution to the issue lies in ending the occupation are right. As this option does not appear to be on the horizon, the question is what we can do about it in the meantime.
There are growing calls in the Israeli public for solutions that include the increased oppression and collective punishment of Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line, such as home demolitions in the West Bank and in the Negev and the boycott of Palestinians in Israel. Research in the field of terrorism teaches us that this could in fact be a recipe for disaster.
Canadian-Israeli sociologist Eran Shor found that legislation that collectively punishes a population tends to increase the terror rate. Israeli terrorism researcher Claude Berrebi argues that indiscriminate harm to a population within the framework of the war on terror comes back to bite us. Research published in the prestigious American Journal of Political Science shows that many terrorist groups have a cunning strategy for manipulating governments into overreacting in such a way that harms the broader civilian public to garner additional support. We are simply playing into their hands.
How, then, should we fight terrorism? As focused a struggle as possible is necessary against those responsible for the terror while avoiding harm to the general population. We must also rein in radical and volatile elements and ensure their integration into the system and deal with civic social problems.
This recipe could understandably be infuriating. Ultimately, though, we must ask ourselves if we prefer security for all or rage and violence toward the other side that will obviously boomerang. It's easy to see the terrorism that strikes us. It's more difficult to see the state-directed violence that contributes to the escalation in terrorism instead of dealing it a serious blow.
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