US President Joe Biden's declaration that Iran will never have a nuclear weapon is important. Although it isn't without historic precedent, the declaration is significant for two reasons: First, it was said during ongoing nuclear talks, and therefore impacts those negotiations with Iran. Second, the most meaningful word he used was "never." President Trump emphasized that he could only commit to what happened on his watch. In this case, President Biden vowed indefinitely on behalf of the United States.
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Although such a promise isn't legally grounded in any way and doesn't obligate future administrations, it can't be erased from the annals of Israeli-US strategic relations and grants support to another player (i.e. Israel) if the US doesn't fulfill its commitment in crunch time.
And now, after that optimistic introduction – a little realism for balance. The Middle East is not a top US priority. Its problems at home demand the administration's full attention. Meanwhile, America's biggest foreign policy challenge is the struggle between world powers over control of the global agenda. The US arrived late to this competition, which has already revived Cold War winds. This has put it at a disadvantage, which stems, in the eyes of many in the US, from American involvement in endless Middle Eastern wars.
Although the US isn't abandoning the Middle East, it isn't eager to start a new war there either – certainly not a war that can be avoided with a nuclear deal. Let's assume, however, that the supreme leader in Iran won't agree to renew the nuclear deal and won't agree to drink from the same poisonous cup a second time, in his view, just to suffer another humiliation in another two years. By that time, the ayatollah perhaps thinks, the ruling administration might withdraw from the deal again and reimpose sanctions.
This state of limbo, in which there is no deal and Iran's nuclear project is moving forward, is dangerous. Iran can become a nuclear threshold state. A threshold state has nuclear deterrence power because crossing that line is merely a matter of choice, which is why such countries are treated as if they are already a nuclear power. In theory, such a reality wouldn't contradict Biden's promise, as a threshold state does not possess nuclear capabilities. Yet in such a scenario, despite having fulfilled his historic commitment, Israel's national security position will have changed for the worse.
Another even more extreme scenario is that Iran will openly break out toward a nuclear bomb. Can we expect America to take immediate action to stop it? This is entirely uncertain. We already see there is a view in the US (not negligible, but still in the minority) that a nuclear Iran will enhance stability in the Middle East because it will minimize the odds of escalation toward war. Supporters of this approach infer that it will resemble the Cold War and the nuclear arms race between the US and the Soviet Union, and believe that just as that competition led to stability because those nuclear weapons weren't meant to be used but rather just to project power – the same will apply to the Middle East.
Israelis who read this will know inherently that such a reality would be intolerable. A Middle East mired in a nuclear arms race where some of the regimes rely on theological signals for their strategic decisions is far more dangerous than the one we live in. This clarity in Israel, however, doesn't assure clarity in the US. Israel must develop independent capabilities for removing the nuclear threat, but it needs American backing. To be sure, an Israeli attack inside Iran could very well spark a regional conflagration. In such a scenario, Israel must have international backing and legitimacy.
To summarize, the president's visit is important from the perceptual perspective of sharing a historic destiny, and additional American support for Israeli defense projects might also improve Israel's military capabilities. The memorandum of understandings signed by the countries' leaders is extremely important. General declarations such as these, however, lack the practical aspects to ease Israel's fears. It knows it will still have to fight its own battles.
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