Israeli Arab society is under unprecedented political stress. Both Arab blocs are engaged in an all-out war.
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On one hand, Ra'am, which made history when it became the first Arab party in the history of Israeli politics to join a coalition government, is trying to convince the Arab public that this is the right way to integrate into society. It is adopting a clear civic line and trying to emulate the Haredi parties: no nationalist demands, just money in return for quiet.
The Joint Arab List, on the other hand, is comprised of three Arab parties and is taking on the role of foil to both the coalition and Ra'am. It is trying to embarrass and threaten the coalition in an effort to convince Arab voters that this is the right and possibly the only path to achieving nationalist and civilian rights.
These two lines pose a serious dilemma for the Arab voter, although the vast majority of the Arab public is interested in seeing its representatives in the Knesset not only as part of the coalition but as members of the government. At this stage, Arab citizens are conflicted between life in Israel as a Jewish state as a sector unto itself and aspirations of integrating in every field and space.
The dilemma and the political reality created with the establishment of the government and the inclusion of Ra'am in the coalition have brought a serious dispute in Arab society to the surface. Some Ra'am supporters not only claim this is the way to gain influence and as such should be followed regardless of the government's political identity or political stance but that there is no other way to integrate and obtain civic rights and government budgets. They offer many examples of various budget clauses ensuring the transfer of funds and government investments in improving the economic status of and infrastructure in Arab communities.
On the other side of this bitter dispute, which has already led to arguments between quite a few friends and taken the sectarian genie out of the bottle, are supporters of the parties that comprise the Joint Arab List. They claim nationalist pride and some rights – whether nationalist as a minority and Arab collective or civic and economic rights – can be obtained from any government, regardless of its identity through intelligent political and parliamentary work and even from the opposition bench.
The Knesset today is dependent on the Arab vote. That is true of both the coalition, which cannot exist without the support of Ra'am's four lawmakers, and the opposition, which will need the Joint Arab List's cooperation if it plans to topple or embarrass the coalition.
When the Joint Arab List succeeded in garnering a historic 15 Knesset seats, it may have increased its representation but it diminished its political influence.
Although there are now four lawmakers in the coalition and six in the opposition, they are all influencing parliamentary activity and the media agenda. As a result, we should conclude that the Arab parties must be players in all arenas, in both the opposition and the coalition, and there must be more than one bloc.
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