The opposition's dilemma as to whether to oppose important and necessary legislation out of political considerations is difficult and understandable. The legislation that will be brought for a vote will be but the first of many. Support for the law means granting the current government a safety net. Every time Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Justice Minister Gideon Sa'ar encounter difficulty with the left-wing flank of the coalition, they will be able to skip right over their heads and rely on the legislative support of the Likud and other right-wing opposition parties that will repeatedly need to obey to save the state from its government. It seems it would be smarter to simply act to replace it.
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No matter how much the coalition attempts to place the blame on the Likud, saying they are putting the country at risk, neglecting its security, and ensuring its foundations' collapse, the simple truth is that the Likud bears not one iota of responsibility. The responsibility lies with the government. As a matter of fact, the more Bennett and his fellow Yamina party member Ayelet Shaked warn of the destruction the Likud could cause, the more they draw attention to the reckless government they themselves formed. This is a government in which what should have been a given to all those with Zionist sentiments has become an all-out political battle. This government has failed to garner majority support for a move that is good for its citizens.
Moreover, there is a serious problem with the logic of Bennett's and Shaked's remarks. if the Likud is indeed being reckless in its political opposition to the proposed family reunification law, why wouldn't these Yamina members impose coalitionary discipline on government members? After all, this is a necessary tool, without which no government could function. And if coalitionary discipline were to be violated on such a critical and cardinal issue, the two could break up the recently formed government because it is not looking out for the security and fate of its citizens. As long as they fail to take action – and don't expect them to in the future either, their empty words are aimed merely at dragging the opposition into some kind of nonexistent collective culpability.
This hypocritical demand is reminiscent of President-elect Isaac Herzog's bizarre demand to cancel the planned appointment of Naor Ihia as the new President's Residence spokesman because he once served as Opposition Leader Benjamin Netanyahu's media adviser. This two-faced demand seeks to paint Netanyahu's bureau as evil as if to say those who worked there are not deserving of a political future. Yet the conduct of Netanyahu and his bureau did not exceed the conduct of many politicians in the Israeli political system. He may even have been less deceptive and more fraudulent than some. All the major parties in Israel had a special department for running a negative campaign, and everyone engaged in their share of slander and defamation.
The cruelty shown toward Netanyahu broke records never before seen in the political system, but with them it's different. As far as we know, Netanyahu didn't send private investigators to spy on political rivals. Former Zionist Union party head Tzipi Livni, supposedly Mrs. Clean, did. So, too, did the current head of Israel's "pro-change" and "unity" government Bennett himself.
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