Everything that gets said in the Kirya bunker and the IDF High Command is recorded, especially during times of war. Both the War Cabinet and Diplomatic-Security Cabinet meetings are recorded. They all speak with the inquiry committee in mind.
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At the forefront is Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who also demanded, rightfully, that the recordings of the cabinet be made only by the Prime Minister's Office, even if the session is not held in Jerusalem. The briefings are tense, and the recording devices are recording. The hand on the switch belongs to the Prime Minister's Office. Every move he makes these days is documented. Every visit, every photo, every statement, every expression. Nothing is left to the imagination. It is known that all this material will be at the disposal of the investigation committee, and therefore every nuance is important. Given our familiarity with Netanyahu, it is reasonable to assume that he has received legal advice. After all, given the scale of the shortcomings exposed on Oct. 7, he needs to cover all his bases more than anyone else.
What is not clear is what Netanyahu is so afraid of. After all, all the key figures have taken upon themselves the responsibility for the failure – the head of the Shin Bet, the head of the Military Intelligence Directorate, the chief of staff, and even the minister of defense in one way or another. They are aware that, following the conclusion of the hostilities, they will need to draft the letter of resignation and hand over the keys. Therefore, and since this is their situation, they are all deeply committed to the ongoing investigation and their way out is subject to less pressure. Instead of understanding this and working with them, Netanyahu acts towards them in a humiliating manner.
Even his address to the nation on Wednesday was meticulously crafted. He did not take responsibility and only announced that his role was to ensure the country's future. In other words, from here on. The reason is that Netanyahu – as is widely believed by his acquaintances and some of his supporters – is convinced that he will come out of this unscathed. That the protocols will prove that he did not know about the Egyptian warning. That he checked and rechecked and did not act hastily. That he challenged the military system all the time.
He is not just challenging, but trolling. To have former IDF Chief of Staff Gabi Ashkenazi consult in the Kirya and allow him to meet with the soldiers is like sticking a finger in the eye of Defense Minister Yoav Gallant, who sees Ashkenazi as a blatant political rival. Why meet at the Ministry of Defense with Major General (res.) Amir Brik, who constantly criticizes the army? To meet with someone who says that the army is not ready and we need to wait six months before a ground operation is a vote of no confidence in the top military echelon. To force the defense minister and the chief of staff to be photographed with him in a meeting where they were required to utter words of confidence is more than shameful.
Netanyahu makes many calls to Biden. These conversations are also recorded. Netanyahu says in the conversations that Israel's right to defend itself and eliminate Hamas is indisputable, but he is not keen on arguing with the US president, who asks him not to rush into Gaza and to allow the transfer of humanitarian aid to the Palestinians.
It needs to be said loudly and clearly – all the recordings, all the conversations, all the consultations will not help. Netanyahu will have to draw conclusions, draft a resignation letter, and as a last act, if he has a drop of leadership left in him, he will need to present a government decision to establish a state commission of inquiry. He needs to go because the buck stops with him. And if we go back and quote what Menachem Begin said to Golda Meir after the Yom Kippur War: if you knew, and did nothing, it's bad. If you didn't know, it's even worse."
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