In early January, as Iran grappled with nationwide protests, Khamenei turned to a trusted deputy to steer the country through the crisis: Ali Larijani, one of the Islamic Republic's most senior national security figures.
Since then, Larijani, 67, a veteran politician and former commander in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, has been effectively running the country. He currently heads the Supreme National Security Council. His rise has pushed aside Pezeshkian, a heart surgeon turned politician, who has endured a challenging first year in office and has publicly remarked, "I am a doctor, not a politician," saying he should not be expected to solve Iran's many problems.
The account of Larijani's ascent and of the deliberations within Iran's leadership, as President Donald Trump's administration threatens war, is based on interviews with six senior Iranian officials, including one affiliated with Khamenei's office; three members of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps; two former Iranian diplomats; and reports in Iranian media.
Khamenei instructed Larijani and several of his close allies in the political and military establishment to ensure that the Islamic Republic survives not only potential US and Israeli bombing, but also any attempt to assassinate its senior leadership, including Khamenei himself, the six officials and Guard members said.
Nasser Imani, a conservative analyst close to the government, said in a telephone interview from Tehran that Khamenei has maintained a long and close relationship with Larijani and turned to him at this critical moment of military and security crisis.
"The Supreme Leader has no doubt in his complete trust in Larijani. He believes Larijani is the right man for this sensitive juncture because of his political record, sharp intellect and knowledge," Imani said. "He relies on him for situation reports and pragmatic advice. Larijani's role will be especially prominent in wartime."
According to six senior Iranian officials, Khamenei has issued a series of directives in the event that any top-ranking official is harmed. He has designated four layers of successors for every military and governmental position that he personally appoints. He has also instructed all senior officeholders to name up to four replacements and has delegated authority to a small circle of trusted loyalists to make decisions should contact with him be severed or if he is killed.
While in hiding during the 12-day war with Israel last June, Khamenei selected three candidates who could succeed him. Their names have never been made public. However, it can be said with certainty that Ali Larijani is not among them, as he is not a senior Shiite cleric, a basic requirement for any potential successor.
Nevertheless, Larijani has for years been considered part of Khamenei's inner circle of loyal supporters. That circle includes his senior military adviser and former commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Yahya Rahim Safavi; Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, a former Guards commander and current parliament speaker, whom Khamenei appointed as a kind of deputy to command the armed forces during the war; and his chief of staff, cleric Ali Asghar Hejazi.
Part of this planning stems from lessons learned from the 12-day war, which wiped out Iran's senior military chain of command in its opening hours. After the ceasefire, Khamenei appointed Larijani as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and established a new national security council, headed by Ali Shamkhani, to manage military affairs during the war.
