Ariel Kahana

Ariel Kahana is Israel Hayom's senior diplomatic and White House correspondent.

Biden's Israel shift should have us worried

True, the US words have not turned into action. Weapons shipments, and the UN veto, have not been withheld. But if a month or two ago it was clear to the Israeli leadership that the 2024 presidential race would not dictate policy, today there is no such certainty.

 

"There are moments in this life — and I mean this literally — when the pure, unadulterated evil is unleashed on this world. In this moment, we must be crystal clear: We stand with Israel.  We stand with Israel.  And we will make sure Israel has what it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and respond to this attack"

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With these words on Oct. 10, etched into the pages of history, Joe Biden described Hamas' attack on Israel and what we thought was his absolute commitment to standing by the victim. 

Six months later, it appears the tables have turned. Not only are the president and his people obsessively creating the impression that Israel is the aggressor, but there are far too many hints that signal that they no longer intend to ensure that "Israel has everything it needs."

The problematic US language, stemming apparently from domestic electoral concerns, is increasingly translating into actual policy, at least according to Israeli officials in the upper echelon. In the Security Council, the drafts put forth by the American delegation are getting worse every week that goes by. From outright opposition to a ceasefire so that Israel could defeat Hamas, they have moved to convoluted and ambiguous sentences that only Russian vetoes and Israel-hostile states save us from.

On the battlefield in Gaza, the sense is that the assurances made by America – to always be by Israel – are increasingly eroding. Repeated leaks raise a real concern that weapons supplies will be slowed, conditioned, limited, or even halted altogether. Two to three months ago, the White House would make an effort to deny reports suggesting it was rethinking the way it was arming Israel. 

True, the US words have not turned into action. Weapons shipments, and the UN veto, have not been withheld. But if a month or two ago it was clear to the Israeli leadership that the 2024 presidential race would not dictate policy, today there is no such certainty. It is quite possible that Israel has played a part in opening the rift with the US because of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's refusal – justified in itself – to hand over Gaza to the Palestinian Authority, and the prolonging of the war. And still, the real test of the relationship is in having both sides know that they can rely on each other in times of need. From an Israeli point of view, it appears that the US is not about to live up to its part of the bargain. For if at the outset of the war, we thought we could safely lean on Washington, as days go by, the doubts have only mounted.

Israel is still fighting a difficult war – scores of abductees still endure hellish conditions, two regions remain abandoned due to the terror threat, tens of thousands of displaced Israelis cannot return home, and that same "pure evil" the American president spoke of still lives on. And yet, Washington has been making sounds of estrangement and even hostility. 

This American about-face damages Israel of course, but not only Israel. The entire world sees how shaky America's support is, casting doubt on Washington's credibility. Second, the Iranian-Russian-Chinese axis of evil has been gleefully undermining the U.S. by harming Israel, showing America to be at best a scratching cat rather than a mighty tiger.

And finally, with US officials – and Biden himself – lashing out at Israel almost daily, how exactly will his administration be able to claim, the day after the war, that he stood by Israel in its difficult hour? No matter how you slice and dice it, the 46th president's legacy has already been tarnished.

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