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Ariel Kahana

Ariel Kahana is Israel Hayom's senior diplomatic and White House correspondent.

Israel must learn from Shinzo Abe's assassination

The lesson for Israel is that threats against Benjamin Netanyahu did not disappear the moment he seized being prime minister.

 

One of the most dramatic days of the late Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's tenure actually occurred when he was in Israel. In January 2015, during his first visit to the Jewish state, two Japanese citizens were abducted in Syria by the Islamic State, which was at its strongest at the time.

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In a press conference Abe held after returning from the international trip, he made it clear that he would not succumb to terrorists' demands. At least one of the two hostages paid with his life for Abe's determination.

That visit, which was also attended by a hundred businessmen and Japanese government officials, brought about a wonderful friendship between Abe and then-Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and strengthened the countries' ties economically and politically. In 2018, Abe visited Israel again, this time with a smaller entourage. This connection put Israel on the map of Japanese investments.

At a time of political instability in Israel, it is especially interesting to learn that before Abe became prime minister, six politicians held the position in a span of six years, and two more in two years since Abe retired.

Abe held the position for eight years, shattering conventions about Japan's need for restraint in the international arena. The powerful language in which he spoke is similar to how Israelis perceive themselves.

From what is known so far about his assassination, security was flawed, with only two bodyguards protecting the most powerful and still controversial political figure of Japan.

As such, it must be a lesson for security professionals in Israel. Because anyone who is familiar with how the security of our leaders is managed knows that the process is clearly irrational. For example, the moment Netanyahu stopped being prime minister, security around him was significantly diminished, with the thick circle of guards having moved to his successor, Naftali Bennett.

Did the threats against Netanyahu disappear the moment he became the opposition leader? Did the deep hatred all of a sudden move over onto Bennett? We know, of course, that that is not the case.

On the other hand, was fortifying Bennett's home in Ra'anana – without a budget limit and in blatant violation of the law – justified even though it was a permanent prime ministerial residence? Can it be justified in Ra'anana, Balfour, or anywhere else, that the neighbors' lives are being disrupted?
Or, does it make sense that the prime minister's bodyguards require senior officials to walk through the security scanners, but will exempt those they know through television? I've such absurdity with my own eyes time and again.

As security organizations, the Shin Bet's personal security unit and the Prime Minister's Office's security department follow procedures but sometimes forget common sense. At least in this aspect, the security failure in Japan should wake up those in charge of security in Israel.

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