The debate in Israel continues over the cabinet's decision to oppose the demand for IDF withdrawal from the Philadelphi Route, while Khalil al-Hayya, deputy chairman of Hamas' political bureau in Gaza, reminded that this issue is just one of the list of demands Hamas presented as a condition for a deal. "We emphasize that any agreement must include a complete cessation of aggression, total withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, including the Philadelphi Route and Rafah crossing, free return (without inspection) of displaced persons to their homes, aid and relief for Palestinians, reconstruction of Gaza, and a prisoner exchange deal," al-Hayya said.
This position is not new. What stood out in its presentation was the self-confidence displayed by the senior Hamas official in a week when he and his people were supposed to be "shrinking" from fear of retaliation for the murder of six hostages. However, the response to this in Israel and the US evoked the opposite reaction from them.
In their view, not only did they not pay a price for the abhorrent crime, but through it, they managed to increase tension and internal disagreement in Israel, and also lead Washington to discuss the possibility of presenting an outline that would be defined as a final offer, without possibility for changes ("Take it or leave it"). They rushed to leverage the public shock from the murder of the hostages in a PR campaign warning that this would be the result of Israeli military pressure, and presented a hard-line stance regarding their demands in the negotiations.
Hamas assumes that a final American proposal will inevitably come at the expense of the Israeli position. The main pressure to reach a deal is already being applied to the leadership in Israel. Hamas pays no price for stalling, and as long as it holds the hostages, it can always continue negotiations from the point where it stopped.
From President Biden, who promised that Hamas would pay a price for the murder of the hostages, one can expect first and foremost not to reward Hamas. Putting pressure on the Israeli government to force it to be flexible in the face of Hamas demands is a reward for the terror organization. On the contrary, the expected move is American support for Israel's just position. Such support may even help advance the negotiations.
The time has come for the US to exhaust the leverage it has over Hamas. One of these is the removal of the organization's leaders from Qatar. Washington should demand this from Doha. This leadership is equally responsible as the leadership in Gaza for the terror attack on October 7, as well as for the war crimes. It's the same leadership that these days is urging its people in the West Bank to carry out suicide attacks. The demand to remove the leadership from Qatar and impose personal sanctions on its members is the minimum expected from the US. Israel will know how to settle the score with the heads of the snake.
From Israel's perspective, its next steps in Gaza should serve three goals: continuing to hit Hamas' remaining military capabilities, damaging its governing capabilities, and increasing pressure on it to advance the release of the hostages. To achieve these goals, Hamas must be completely deprived of control over the supplies entering the Strip. This is the organization's oxygen and also the main means that preserves its governance. It is also right to consider dividing the Strip into additional areas beyond what currently exists.
Israel should also consider the course of action proposed by former National Security Council head, Giora Eiland: evacuating northern Gaza of residents, closing it as a military zone, and stopping supplies to it. The disadvantages of this proposal lie in the opposition it is expected to arouse in the US and the international community, as well as in the many forces required for its implementation. Of course, it can be carried out in other areas to a different extent. In any case, its many advantages justify, at least, discussing it.
Meir Ben Shabbat is head of the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy, in Jerusalem. He served as Israel's national security advisor and head of the National Security Council between 2017 and 2021, and prior to that for 30 years in the General Security Service (the Shin Bet security agency or "Shabak").
