Many in Israel found themselves wishing their brothers a Ramadan Kareem last week, without understanding this is not exactly the equivalent of wishing someone a happy holiday. In general, an increasing number of Israelis are adopting terms created and fermented in the other side's habitat without paying attention to what they entail.
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This is not a "natural" process. The people behind this trend are the tastemakers, in particular media and academic figures who make one seemingly agenda-less point: Arab Israelis aren't going anywhere, and everyone would therefore benefit if we were to recognize our neighbors through language. In theory, they are right. This is purely a matter of function. In practice, though, they are wrong.
Up until the late 1970s, there was no "Palestinian" presence in the Arabic language. Yet ever since, tastemakers have taken care to establish a distinction between Arab and Palestinian identities: Arabs in Judea and Samaria, and perhaps Arab Israelis themselves, are a distinct national unit from the Arab collective, and as such, they deserve such and such rights.
This conclusion may make sense were it not for the fact that those same tastemakers who promoted this distinction make selective use of it.
For example, when the Bedouin citizens, natives of the land, break through a fence and use violence, their Arab and Palestinian identities suddenly disappear, and are described as "youths." The significance is that it is not culture or nationalism that is behind the violence but the criminals' age. They are, after all, rash, capricious youth.
In 1987, Israeli citizens experienced the events of the First Intifada, which included rock-throwing and knifings. Against this background, we found for the first time in history reporters in Israel pushing aside the terms that have stood on the Zionist shelf for around a century. Instead of riots, we got the term used by the enemy: Intifada. The definition of this term is simple: insurrection. The use of the term "intifada" is not innocent but rather carries with it political consequences: As this is an insurrection, meaning disengagement from the position of tolerance and subordination to the masters, at least according to European thought, then this is a "logical" response, and perhaps the enemy's violence is understandable.
Next. For many in Israel, "jihad" is a holy war that breaks out by way of armed struggle. As a matter of fact, jihad is a holy war within the framework of which a variety of tools, including economic and cultural boycott, is used. Decision-makers and politicians in Israel are unaware of this broad definition and derive a strategy that draws from their lack of understanding.
In Israel, the term "hudna" refers to a ceasefire or temporary cessation of fighting. For Israelis at least, the understanding is that this term offers the possibility that one day, the temporary ceasefire will become permanent. Thus, a particular strategy for negotiations is used. But to the other side, a hudna, which is engraved in Muslim history and religion, takes on a different meaning: "We do not agree with you, but we will accept a ceasefire. However, at the appropriate time, we will not hesitate to strike.
Could this be merely the natural process in which terms from the Arabic language penetrate everyday Hebrew is natural and as such, one that we can live with? No. A situation in which we sit idly by could turn out to be a mistake as sometimes, a lack of cultural oversight of the process could end in, at best, an understanding, or at worst, the blind acceptance of the enemy narrative.
To avoid this, something simple must be done: We must learn the truth that is the structure of meaning unique to the group. To that end, we must promote academic conferences and dialogue at Knesset committees and encourage Arabic-language study. Culture is hidden in language. Indeed, there is a chance tastemakers will boycott the initiative and label it racist. That doesn't matter. The only thing that matters is that we are not scared.
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