Those who would be the architects of the defense doctrine concerning the Israeli home front are usually guided by two questions, both in theory and if practice: the first focuses on whether the home front can withstand the implication of a pre-emptive strike, and the second centers around the issue of jurisdiction over the home front in times of emergency.
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The first question addresses the pros and cons of trying to counter the enemy before it actually strikes, be it with conventional or nonconventional weapons, missile fire, or cyberattacks. However, it mostly ignores threats posed by natural disasters – fires, earthquakes, and even public health crises, like the global coronavirus pandemic with which Israel is currently grappling.
The second question addresses the issue of legal and operational responsibility for the home front, on the ground, regardless of the threat to the home front.
Does this responsibility fall to the military's Home Front Command, which in turn takes over the administration of all civilian aspects, such as ensuring bomb shelters are available, the running of the school system, welfare services, and commanding civilian emergency services, including Magen David Adom paramedics, the Fire and Rescue Service, the ZAKA mass casualty events rapid response serves, etc.
These questions are subject to an ongoing debate, but the coronavirus crisis has cemented the fact that municipalities are key to ensuring the public's needs are met. Local authorities are more than capable of carrying out vital missions that enhance their residents' safety and welfare, and they are often more prepared on the ground, meaning they can mobilize the necessary services faster.
The structure upon which Israel's emergency readiness is based in its entirety begins with the individual home. From there it moves up to the residential building, neighborhood, and community; and on to the local authority, be it a municipality or a local or regional council.
This model must address the "island concept" – an emergency situation during which the locality is essentially cut off from other cities and the central government for a period of 48 to 72 hours. This type of emergency can be brought on by a natural disaster, such as an earthquake, or be a man-made one, such as a cyberattack or – in case of a pandemic – a government decision to cordon off a "red" city or area, in accordance with the so-called "stoplight system."
Israel's current modus operandi is centralized rather than differential – the so-called corona cabinet treats the country as one unit, while in reality, there is simply no justification for imposing a nationwide lockdown over morbidity in one city.
We cannot devise optimal solutions until we understand that the resources allocated to local authorities must be significantly augmented, and their jurisdiction must be expanded, so as to allow them to properly deal with the various crises with which the Israeli home front must contend.
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