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Amnon Lord

Amnon Lord is a veteran journalist, film critic, writer, and editor.

Rebuilding Gaza is part of the problem, not the solution

When it comes to preparing for future threats from Gaza, Israel should assume the worst – that Hamas will obtain cruise missiles with unconventional payloads.

 

The liberal analysts, in other words, the supporters of democracy, claim that US President Joe Biden sees Israel as a domestic problem. Much more than as a key player in the Middle East and certainly much more than as an ally.

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Just like Biden made declarations that created a balanced comparison between Israel and the Palestinians, between Israel and Hamas, so did his envoy – US Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who arrived in Israel on Tuesday. At a press conference with the prime minister, Blinken accused Hamas of firing rockets at Israeli civilians, but did not blame it for starting the 11-day offensive, which ended last Friday.

Israel's problem now is how to prevent Hams from rearming in Gaza. Rebuilding the Gaza Strip and Palestinian society are part of the problem. Israel demands that every item that goes into Gaza for rebuilding purposes – every sack of cement, all raw metals, and every last bag of potatoes – be subject to oversight, and wants Egypt to be involved in the process.

The assumption is that the supplies and tools the Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad need to rebuild their power are passed into Gaza in supply convoys carrying civilian aid. It's possible that due to Israel's normalization with Sudan, the government will more easily be able to track shipments of weapons that Iran sends to Gaza.

But Israel's main strategic problem lies much deeper. Israel, when it disengaged from the Gaza Strip in 2005, did serious harm to itself. Regardless of the pain and principle of uprooting the settlements, even then-Prime Minister Ariel Sharon – a pessimist on security – never thought that a serious strategic threat would rise in Gaza and that it would become a base for rockets, with the IDF hesitant to enter and destroy them.

This was inconceivable in 2005. The failure of imagination must guide military planning in the IDF and the Shin Bet security agency. If we didn't predict the current capabilities, it would be best to assume the worst – that Hamas will obtain cruise missiles. With warheads that split. Drones. Possibly even warheads with unconventional payloads. Thus far, we haven't come up with any oversight measure that would prevent Hamas from exploiting humanitarian aid to rearm.

The conclusion: Starting now, Israel needs to start educating public opinion and its allies for a future conflict in which Hamas' military-terrorist capabilities will be defeated completely. This means a long battle that will include a long-term ground offensive, and considerable losses for our own forces. It would be better to pay a heavy but limited price in the near future than a very high price after an insufferable strike to the Israeli home front.

Blinkin acknowledged Iran's destabilizing influence. A new and stable government in Israel is the first thing on which we must build. If the Americans recognize Iran as a dangerous, negative actor, it is possible to reach understandings with them about the defense actions needed to handle the various fronts that post a threat to Israel.

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