The dust over the ruins in Gaza hasn't had the chance to settle and Israeli media is already talking about the "mechanism" - not the one by which Hamas, the terrorist group controlling the Gaza Strip, will be destroyed, but the one that will allow the continued transfer of funds to coastal enclave without it falling into Hamas' hands.
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Funds appropriated by Gaza's rulers have gone toward the manufacturing of the 4,360 rockets fired on Israel during Operation Guardian of the Walls and the 100 kilometers (62 miles) of underground tunnels destroyed by the IDF during the fighting – and it seems we have learned nothing.
The truth is simple: money transferred to the Gaza Strip cannot be monitored. No by international organizations whose functionaries answer to Hamas, not by charities – as their infrastructure is an integral part of Hamas and the public sympathy for it, and certainly not by the Palestinian Authority, which has no power over the Strip whatsoever.
When will we understand that any cash that goes into Gaza finds its way to Hamas' military goals?
Israel must now inform Qatar and European countries that if they want to support the impoverished Palestinians in Gaza, they are more than welcome to send as many containers of food, medicine, clothing, toys, textbooks, furniture, etc. as they want. Want to pay for fuel and electricity? Excellent. But keep the cash. Cash dollars only buy ammunition and Israel will no longer allow it inti Gaza.
A terrorist organization has an Achilles heel: one leg is rooted in the world of terrorist attacks, but the other leg is rooted in the legitimate world. A terrorist group cannot pay operatives without banks, communicate without technological means or operate in general without lawyers and accountants.
When Israel destroys Hamas weapons depots and demolishes entire buildings that serve as headquarters, it is exposed to constant international criticism and pressure to stop the fighting. But it keeps missing the legitimate options for action, namely stifling the organization financially.
The Israeli public expect the government to wage a financial campaign against terrorism and dry up its resources, but $360 million in Qatari cash each year proves that the Israeli government is not in sync with itself.
Hamas is first and foremost a financial enterprise. The thousands of rockets it has developed, the missiles it purchased, the underground city it dug, the stipends paid to terrorists and their families – all cost more than a billion dollars. The bribe paid to Hamas for mock calm goes beyond a loss of national dignity but, as Operation Guardian of the Walls has proven, it is borderline security suicide.
The government must not continue to err in illusions about arrangements over Hamas' head. Once the operation is over, we must initiate and move the war to economic lines. Yes to donations – but not in cash. We must not dissolve the military achievements of the operation. If we do not dry up the egg of terrorism now, we will lose the next war.
The government must not continue to delude itself about its ability to broker deals that go over Hamas' head. Now that fighting on the ground has concluded, we must move the war to the economic battlefield. Donations to Gaza are welcome – but not in cash. We must not miss out on the opportunity to leverage the military achievements in full. If we fail to dry up the terrorism swamp now, we will lose the next war.
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