Even before the new government has been sworn in, the fight over sovereignty has begun. Firstly: the terminology. The Left insists on the term "annexation," instead of the more accurate legal term: "application of sovereignty." This isn't a coincidence. Although from the perspective of international law there's never been another recognized sovereign entity here, beyond the British Mandate's written acknowledgment of the Jewish people's national right to their historical homeland, the champions of a Palestinian state choose to say "annexation." It stems from the same lexicon as "occupation," and its purpose is to linguistically erase our historical and legal rights to our land.
Secondly, what began as a trickle once the White House declared its peace plan has morphed into a deluge of warnings. On one hand, pundits are more than happy to temper the excitement and pin their hopes on senior American officials saying July 1 isn't a sacred deadline from the perspective of the US. On the other hand, they greet US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo with calls to "stop the annexation" and try to downplay American support for Israel, saying it only stems from electoral considerations.
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Also taking part in this campaign is the group "Commanders for Israel's Security," which churns out a steady stream of position papers denouncing the application of sovereignty while doomsday prophesizing the end of the Zionist vision. All this as their alternate plan champions "separation" from the Palestinians in Judea and Samaria. In the same breath, they argue that the damage caused by the disengagement from Gaza can no longer be solved by military means, rather only by the return of the Palestinian Authority to the coastal enclave. In other words, the establishment of a Palestinian state will solve all of our concerns.
Thirdly: the positions of other countries. International support is only considered positive when it runs contrary to Israeli policies. Because the almost total support from the most important superpower on the planet, the United States, not only isn't enough, it leads to something dangerous. US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman says the US is preparing to recognize Israeli sovereignty within a matter of weeks, and Pompeo declared that sovereignty is up to Israel – but the leaders of the campaign to torpedo this initiative don't swell with pride and satisfaction at the echoing of the Jewish people's historic national right.
Just the opposite, they feel strong pangs of nostalgia for Obama's ultimatum; for the pressure that was imposed to stop all construction in the settlements, just for sake of merely starting negotiations with the Palestinians; for America foregoing its veto power at the United Nations toward the tail end of Obama's second term, allowing Resolution 2334 against Israeli settlements to pass. Similarly, we are all aware of the positions held by France and other European Union countries – whose historical commitment to the Jewish people and to the State of Israel has often come with conditions – to the point of even considering possible sanctions.
One important lesson needs to be learned. Sovereignty is one of the most important diplomatic initiatives, from a historical perspective, ever endeavored by the people and state of Israel, and the paradigmatic shift in the White House's approach makes these next few months, until the US presidential election, nothing less than dramatic. The State of Israel and the nationalist camp in its entirety must stand strong against all forms of pressure and start creating a system of fortifications to repel, initially, the campaign of falsehoods, and then replace it with the discourse of truth and employ the public relations tools necessary to salvage the venture. The battle has already begun.
